Autonomy: an idea whose time has come

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iyraste1313

I tried to give an example of the yalakom people...autonomy is more than just self reliance and decision making...it means a system, social economic, locally decentralized technology, a political system under peoples control, general assembly, direct democracy

Andreas Karitzis, e.g. is talking likewise of a systemic process, as we talked long ago in another thread, building an autonomous movement, self reliant economically, technically etc. with a political project, for the movement to transform the political system, something very much in the works presently here in Indigenous Maya Guatemala...happy to give concrete examples....

But as I stated before...curious about the social ecology movement taking place in Rojava, Kurdish Syria, which likewise is trying to buiold a social economic technology movement built on popular democratic and regionalist prionciples, again at the base of the Maya system of governance

epaulo13 epaulo13's picture

autonomy is more than just self reliance and decision making

..no it isn't. everything else follows this. even systemic processes follows this. and i point to post #48 as evidence. these folks knew exactly what they were doing. this is the powerful center of change. lets talk about this more. ie what is the bio/reginal autonomy you spoke of? how does that work?

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..here's more on the kurds.

Building Democracy without the State

“When people first came to our house a few years ago to ask if our family would like to participate in the communes, I threw stones at them to keep them away,” laughs Bushra, a young woman from Tirbespiye, Rojava. The mother of two belongs to an ultra-conservative religious sect. Before, she had never been allowed to leave her home and used to cover her entire body except her eyes.

“Now I actively shape my own community,” she says with a proud and radiant smile. “People come to me to seek help in solving social issues. But at the time, if you had asked me, I wouldn’t even have known what ‘council’ meant or what people do in assemblies.”

Today, around the world, people resort to alternative forms of autonomous organization to give their existence meaning again, to reflect human creativity’s desire to express itself as freedom. These collectives, communes, cooperatives and grassroots movements can be characterized as the people’s self-defense mechanisms against the encroachment of capitalism, patriarchy and the state.

At the same time, many indigenous peoples, cultures and communities that faced exclusion and marginalization have protected their communalist ways of living until this day. It is striking that communities that protected their existence against the evolving world order around them are often described in negative terms, as “lacking” something—notably, a state. The positivist and deterministis tendencies that dominate today’s historiography render such communities unusual, uncivilized, backward. Statehood is assumed to be an inevitable consequence of civilization and modernity; a natural step in history’s linear progress....

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Democratic Confederalism in Rojava

The Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), like many national liberation movements, initially thought that the creation of an independent state would be the solution to violence and oppression. However, with the changing world after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the movement began to develop a fundamental self-criticism as well as a criticism of the dominant socialist politics of the time, which was still very much focused on seizing state power. Towards the end of the 1990s the PKK, under the leadership of Abdullah Öcalan, began to articulate an alternative to the nation state and state socialism.

Upon studying the history of Kurdistan and the Middle East, as well as the nature of power, the current economic system and ecological issues, Öcalan came to the conclusion that the reason for humanity’s “freedom problem” was not statelessness but the emergence of the state. In an attempt to subvert the domination of the system that institutionalized itself across the globe over the span of 5,000 years as a synthesis of patriarchy, capitalism and the nation state, this alternative paradigm is based on the very opposite—women’s liberation, ecology and grassroots democracy.

iyraste1313

Although clearly we share similar vision, the fundamental difference seems to be your assumption that autonomy systems, holistic, engaging all aspects of culture and society and economics and technology, just naturally flow from a process of empowerment and populist struggle above all in defence of mother earth/ecosystems/bioregions!

Whereas I assume that such movements can easily go astray, into reformist and political  opportunist directions propagated by leaders who want change now, power now ad nauseum.....

that vision must be enunciated, not in an authoritarian sense, but a vision set out in detail, in practice and strategy, that people in the populist moevements may consider, be influenced by!

Andreas Karitzis is a visionary, with a well developed understanding coming from his personal experience, a guide to consider!

His ideas must be flushed out in detail...e.g....we need to reshape the ground, and to do that we have to expand the solution space by shifting priorities, from political representation to SETTING UP AN AUTONOMOUS NETWORK OF PRODUCTION OF ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL POWER!.....

Yes I can explore more re bioregional autonomy...but the ground must be set! That we need to explore the vision, place it before the people in movement, to consider accept, modify reject as they wish...

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iyraste

..if you look at the unist'ot'en camp facebook page at the top you see a pick of wolverine in honour of his passing. but before that the pic was of naomi klein sitting around with the camp and meeting. the camp has many many supporters and crowd funding. this is autonomy. this is leadership. the camp is connected to larger struggles via the first peoples. and also via klein who is connected to other movements both here in canada and internationally. and this is tugging at only one thread. there are thousands if not tens of millions of threads today globally.

..what i believe is going on is brand new. it's a system change and we have never been here before. were exploring our options. we are creating. there is no way you can control that. there will be those that may try but things are so scattered and autonomous it’s an impossible task. you join in because it’s like a snowball rolling down the hill. you build towards autonomy wherever it is you live. i don’t know how this fits with your or karitzis's outlook.

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DASIQOX TRIBAL PARK - Nexwagwez?an - There for us

Dasiqox Tribal Park - Nexwagwez?an – There for us - is a five minute video that is the first of a two part series about the Tsilhqot'in Nation's efforts to designate a portion of their territory as the Dasiqox Tribal Park.

This video was produced by Wilderness Committee and River Voices Productions RiverVoices.ca
in partnership with Xeni Gwet'in, Yunesit'in and Friends of Nemiah Valley fonv.ca/ .

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The Commons Collaborative Economy explodes in Barcelona

Cities have personalities – they’re often described as we would people. They can be dry, manic, laid-back, iconic. Barcelona is what you might call a tonic. Always known as a vivid and creative city, Barcelona is taking the lead as an exemplary change agent on the European stage. Its DIY vigor and urgent form of citizen-level democracy are palpable, contagious, and best of all, effective.

This is a city that has been reinvented by activism. A formidable woman by the name of Ada Colau, herself a longtime front-line activist for housing rights, is now the mayor. As a woman, as an activist, as a mayor, she’s a good stand-in for the city itself and the radical positive changes it’s making.

But that’s not to say that Ada Colau is responsible for all the whirlwind political and civic change. Barcelona is not a city in reform from the top down; it’s a city in transformation from the bottom up, and up, and up. It’s taking on the challenges of economic and civic change from an inclusive and deliberate position, maturing its street-level praxis into a political force that won’t be contained by its own borders. It’s ready to share its hard-won knowledge and experience with others internationally....

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Defeating fear: lessons from Mexico’s housing movement

Los Panchos has taken back land and collectively built thousands of homes since the late-1980s. What could Global North movements learn from its successes?

"The biggest challenge was to defeat our fears,” proclaimed Mexican housing activist, Enrique Reynoso on a recent visit to London. As one of the epicenters of the European and North American housing crisis, London was an important stop on his recent European tour of grassroots movement spaces.

Enrique has been active in the Francisco Villa Popular Independent Leftist Organization (FPFVI in Spanish) since the 1980s. With even a glimpse into what Los Panchos (a shorthand for the FPFVI, based on the nickname of the Mexican revolutionary for whom the organization is named) have achieved since the mid-80s, this quote can sound like an oversimplification of some magnitude.

Can the creation of an alternative society of many thousands, built over decades on the principles of solidarity, cooperation and mutual aid, within what has been called “the perfect dictatorship,” really be chalked-up to “defeating fear”? But as simple as it sounds, the statement holds a profound and fundamental truth – that for most of us, collective power is daunting, even if we intellectually desire it and want to work towards it. Wherever we find ourselves in the world, fear is a barrier to change. But as Los Panchos have demonstrated, it is not an insurmountable one.

As cities across Europe increasingly-become domains of the ultra-rich, and as the many Global North housing movements remain largely wed to attempts to influence the machinations of representative politics (with notable exceptions), Enrique’s insight comes at a particularly critical moment. Will we keep repeating the patterns of A-to-B marches and petitions, or will we act together to find, create – and, when necessary – take, what we need to collectively survive in a housing market that is leaving more and more of us behind?

eta:

“We don’t want to grow individual neighborhoods,” Enrique emphasizes, “we want our neighborhoods to inspire others to take action where they are. Rather than grow the scale of our assemblies, we want these assemblies to multiply in other places, in whatever ways are appropriate.”

Demonstrating a similar ideological openness, Enrique says Los Panchos are reluctant to impose or commit to any particular political dogma:

We have learned not to put ideological labels on what we do. We have learned from too many different places. We are all anti-capitalist, but there are many ideas within that. Like the Zapatistas, we want to build a world where many worlds are possible. Our comrades may not be committed to socialism or communism, but they’re committed to transforming the world we’re in today.

iyraste1313

Thanks for this timely info!.....

Can't help but reflect on the latest demo on the DTES demanding more social housing...as if anyone will listen!

Yet these people are in a great position to take action to guarantee their demands...which demands guts, foresight and of course autonomy!

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Workers’ Control in the Crisis of Capitalism

In February 2016, a dozen former workers of a small woodworks plant in the small Greek town of Patrida, some 60 kilometers from Thessaloniki, had had enough. Since 2008 they had been tricked by the owners. With a promise to pay back everything soon, the bosses did not pay the workers their full salary anymore, reduced working hours and announced bankruptcy without making it official. But the situation never improved and the workers never saw their money. Finally, in December 2015, the plant closed. The debt accumulated by the company in terms of unpaid salaries currently stands at around 700,000 euros.

The workers do not believe they will see any of this money. Instead they decided to take over the plant and run it under workers’ control. They contacted the workers of the recuperated factory Vio.Me in Thessaloniki asking for support. The workers from Vio.Me came and helped to build a struggle and restart production as soon as possible. They want to switch production to benches and sales booths for markets and kiosks—all products needed by common people and their communities. The workers are now getting in touch with cooperatives and collectives all over Greece and organizing and participating in mobilizations.

A Widespread Phenomenon

The workers in Patrida are doing the same thing thousands of workers have been doing over the past few years of capitalist crisis all around the world. Workplace recuperations became most visible and best known around the takeovers in Argentina in response to the crisis of 2001-‘02, when they became a widespread phenomenon. In early 2016, there were approximately 360 worker-recuperated companies in Argentina, involving some 15.000 workers; at least 78 worker-recuperated companies employing 12.000 workers in Brazil and almost two dozen in Uruguay. In Venezuela there are several dozen worker-recuperated companies, some managed jointly by workers and communities, and a handful have emerged in Mexico, India and Indonesia. In the course of the contemporary crisis, some 60 workplaces were recuperated in Argentina, two dozen in Venezuela, and a few in Italy, France, Greece, Bosnia, Croatia, the US, Egypt, Turkey and in Tunisia.

Even without previous experience of forming workers’ councils, collective administration—whether by means of assemblies or other mechanisms of direct democracy and horizontal relations—has often appeared as an inherent tendency of the worker base. And workers have proven that they can run factories under their control in most industries, including metal, textile, ceramics, food processing, plastic and rubber, print shops and others, as well as workplaces in the service sector, such as clinics, education facilities, media, hotels and restaurants....

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quote:

What Andrés Ruggeri describes for Argentina can be extended to most other recuperations around the globe:

One of the most interesting aspects of worker-recuperated companies is their relation with the communitarian, with the social, and that is what we are talking about when we say that none of the recuperations is recuperating itself alone. It is all about the movement, as there has been a lot of activism and militancy surrounding these recuperations. [There is] a much bigger movement with social links and social networks built around every recuperated company and around recuperated companies as such. [This movement] is very broad and very strong, it’s changing the very meaning of the companies. If the workers recuperate a company all alone, if they turn it into a cooperative and so on, no matter how radical the internal process is, if it is a company with only economic activities it would not have the transformative potential it has with the whole network surrounding the movement.

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Zapatistas and Indigenous Mexicans Create Parallel Government for Indigenous Autonomy

A coalition of indigenous Mexican communities has announced the creation its own, parallel government with the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN). Dubbed the Indigenous Governing Council (CGI), the parallel government will aim to promote autonomy for indigenous Mexicans.

“This council proposes to govern this country,” the EZLN said in a communique.

The EZLN is an indigenous guerrilla movement that waged an armed insurgency against the Mexican government throughout the 1990s. Today, the EZLN retains a presence in the highlands of the southern state of Chiapas, where it has been experimenting with a form of direct democracy that draws from anarchist and socialist traditions blended with indigenous practices.

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The CGI’s Proposed Sructure

The representatives provided only limited details on how the CGI will actually function, though they expressed hope it will be a more comprehensive form of organization than the CNI. According to those who spoke to the press, the CGI will have a more permanent presence in indigenous communities than the CNI. El Proceso reported the CGI will have “commissions” on the community, regional, state and national level. The CGI will also reportedly have different administrative commissions, mirroring the Mexican government secretariats. Some of these are likely to include commissions of finance, environment, health, communication and security. According to El Proceso, there will also be a commission for “Mother Earth”, and an elders council.

Although the spokesperson will be the public face of the CGI, as an individual they will have no real power. Instead, all of the CGI’s decisions will be made by consensus among representatives of indigenous communities, who comprise the CNI’s assembly. These representatives will also be able to recall the spokesperson at any time if they feel they are not fulfilling their duties.

“Our resistances and rebellions constitute the power from below,” the EZLN said.

They continued, “We do not offer empty promises or actions, but rather real processes for radical transformation where everyone participates and which are tangible in the diverse and enormous indigenous geographies of this nation.”

iyraste1313

Thanks for this....Here in Guatemala, the Ixil, the Conjobal and the Xinca Peoples are setting up autonomous parliaments...my friends of the Maya Kakchiquel are holding an Assembly tomorrow to discuss this idea in depth....It is the Maya Kakchiquel leadership in the past that have organized effective solidarity actions with Indigenous struggles in Canada.......

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Madrid as a democracy lab

An exuberant ecosystem of citizen practices and self-managed spaces has turned Madrid into an international reference of the urban commons.

During the occupation of Puerta del Sol in Madrid in 2011, the hackers at the core of Madrid's 15M developed a platform for anyone to make political proposals. Designed in free software, the Propongo platform allowed users to put forward ideas which could then be voted on. The operational arrangement was pretty simple: decentralized proposals, from the bottom up. The State of Rio Grande do Sul (Brazil), where participatory budgets came to light in 1989, used part of the Propongo code and its philosophy for the Digital Cabinet, its star citizen participation project.

In Spain, the political class turned its back on the Indignados. On the other side of Propongo, no one was there. No local, regional or state government listened to the new music coming out of the squares – and even less to the proposals. Meanwhile, collective intelligence and networking in the squares were developing sophisticated mechanisms for participation and deliberation, both online and face-to-face. The powerful technopolitics made in Spain conquered the hearts of activists all over the world. And the hearts of some foreign academics and politicians too. 

In May 2015, the so-called “citizen confluences”, overcoming the traditional political party formats, conquered the governments of the main cities in Spain. And part of the squares technopolitical intelligence was transferred to local governments. Hacktivists, programmers, assembly and participatory process facilitators went on to work for the institutions. Pablo Soto, a historical hacker from the peer-to-peer movement and one of the Puerta del Sol regulars, was one of them. In June 2015, Soto became the head of participation of the Madrid City Council. Ahora Madrid, Barcelona en Comú, Zaragoza en Común, among many other political confluences, began to rev up participation in the country’s main cities.

"All roads lead to Spanish cities, where they are experimenting with citizen empowerment tools like nowhere else in the world", noted Geoff Mulgan, head of Nesta in the UK. Two years after taking power in the so-called Cities of Change, participation has become one of the biggest disruptions. And hacker Soto’s Madrid is the city that has gone further down this road. From the networks to the territory, and vice versa, Madrid is turning the collective dream of the occupied squares of 2011 into public policies.....

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..from the above piece

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More than 300.000 users strong, Decide Madrid is consolidating itself as the hegemonic space for participation in the city. It activates a variety of processes, debates, proposals, and projects. Its free software means that any city can adapt Consul to its needs, without any substantial investment, and set up a platform. From Barcelona to A Coruña, from Rome to Paris and Buenos Aires, dozens of institutions around the world have replicated the initial Decide Madrid core, thus setting up what Audrey Tang, Taiwan’s digital minister, calls a "liquid federation of cities". Ada Colau, the mayor of Barcelona, ​​praising the cooperative network of participation cities says: "It is very interesting that in Barcelona we have been able to carry out our first experience of digital participation, Decidim Barcelona, ​​adapting Madrid’s base code. Once we have had a first proposal, we have shared it with many municipalities throughout Catalonia".

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