More electoral maps 2
December 8, 2011 - 10:02am
Continued from "More Electoral Maps" http://rabble.ca/babble/canadian-politics/more-electoral-maps
Continued from "More Electoral Maps" http://rabble.ca/babble/canadian-politics/more-electoral-maps
We can now be certain that Bill C-20 (the Fair Representation Act) will pass unamended this month. It was reported out of Committee, unamended, Nov. 30. The NDP Committee members were Joe Comartin, Chris Charlton, Alexandrine Latendresse and Philip Toone, with David Christopherson often replacing Philip Toone. The one Liberal, Marc Garneau, presented amendments to keep to 308 MPs, but it was not clear how this could be done.
Yesterday, the government imposed time allocation. Debate on the Act had begun Tuesday Dec. 6.
Bruce Hyer asked Stephane Dion
Dion replied "I am ready to have this discussion . . ." but not, apparently, today.
Guy Caron has foreseen what may happen to his riding:
Michael Chong thinks it will not happen in Ontario (but I think he is too optimistic):
Bruce Hyer tried again with Kevin Lamoureux (who did not answer either):
The Liberals have resisted proportional representation. My question is this: now that they have 34 seats instead of the 58 that they would have with proportional representation, will the Liberals finally stand up for true proportional representation?
Libby Davies gave it another try:
It is not only a question of seats but also the way that we vote in this country, what we call first past the post. It is very revealing that when the government has an opportunity to bring forward these issues, it makes a decision to bring forward a bill that is actually flawed instead of focusing on a debate or a proposal to implement something that would fundamentally improve the democratic process in Canada and would enormously improve the way that people actually relate to politics.
What I think would be a good a debate is one that proposes proportional representation. Then we could really engage people and ensure not only fair representation but that when voters vote, their vote is actually counted in a way that is proportional to the aggregate votes for any given party. That is certainly not the system we have now.
Many of my colleagues have pointed out that we are now really one of the last remaining nations under parliamentary democracy that still uses first past the post. Why are we not having a debate on that? Why are we not seeing a bill that would bring that forward? Unfortunately, we know the answer. The government is afraid to lose what it sees as a monopoly that it has on the system that we operate under. We have seen that with Liberal governments before them.I am very proud of the fact that the NDP has been a champion of proportional representation and has been in the forefront of that struggle to say that it is a fundamental reform that needs to take place in this country.
Pat Martin, bless him, talked about the real world:
Ms. Jinny Jogindera Sims:
Ms. Alexandrine Latendresse
I am not asking anyone here for declarations of unconditional love for Quebec and its culture. What I would like to add immediately is that I consider it to be somewhat irresponsible to perpetuate Quebec’s discomfort by introducing insensitive bills. But we must forgive the government. The Meech Lake and Charlottetown accords go back much further than the creation of the Conservative Party. Forgive them, they know not. They are wed to the ideal of fair representation. Good intentions are constitutional, I imagine. The conclusion I draw from these various points is this: fair representation and the justifications for it are fluid concepts.
When the House of Commons unanimously recognized Quebec as a nation, was the intention simply to get Quebeckers to keep quiet, or was the gesture supposed to mean something? Can the government not give them something to demonstrate that it was not just empty rhetoric? I wonder what concrete action could be taken in that regard
http://www.parl.gc.ca/HousePublications/Publication.aspx?Pub=Hansard&Doc=61&Parl=41&Ses=1&Language=E&Mode=1#SOB-5175450
I assume the debate will be given one more day next week. The House adjourns Dec. 16.
By the way, I don't want to lose the handy link to these amazing maps showing the results in every poll in Canada:
http://www.the506.com/elxnmaps/can2011/
Debate continues tomorrow morning at 10:00AM on the amendments to this bill C-20 (Fair Representation Act), which will be voted on at 1:15PM after 3 hours and 15 minutes debate.
No, Kevin Lamoureux doens't want to answer anything where he is afraid it will make him look bad, but he doesn't have any trouble asking other people questions. And to think that he won Winnipeg North, ugh!
No, Kevin Lamoureux doens't want to answer anything where he is afraid it will make him look bad, but he doesn't have any trouble asking other people questions. And to think that he won Winnipeg North, ugh!
The west portion, yes:
http://www.the506.com/elxnmaps/can2011/46012.html
This riding is a bit smaller than average population, and Kildonan--St. Paul is a bit large. Do you think Seven Oaks might shift to Winnipeg North?
http://www.the506.com/elxnmaps/can2011/46006.html
Wilf, I have no idea. Wish I had an answer.
The Easiest re-draw would indeed put Seven Oaks (and Jefferson, Garden City if need be) into Win N. I assume they would follow the UK in trying to keep as many ridings as intact as possible whiel avoiding the US style gerrymandering.
Do we have any idea how the rest of Winnipeg's ridings would get re-drawn? I'm assuming they will keep the 8 ridings in the Winnpeg mix? I'm looking to see if Elmwood-Transcona might become more or less NDP friendly...
The Easiest re-draw would indeed put Seven Oaks (and Jefferson, Garden City if need be) into Win N. I assume they would follow the UK in trying to keep as many ridings as intact as possible whiel avoiding the US style gerrymandering.
Do we have any idea how the rest of Winnipeg's ridings would get re-drawn? I'm assuming they will keep the 8 ridings in the Winnpeg mix? I'm looking to see if Elmwood-Transcona might become more or less NDP friendly...
Remarkably, the total population of Winnipeg plus East St. Paul, West St. Paul and Headingley, is still exactly at eight Manitoba quotients. So the only changes will be adjustments within those eight seats.
We don't yet have 2011 populations. We have 2006 populations and 2011 voters on the voters list. Here they are:
Kildonan—St. Paul: 81,532; 63,866
Winnipeg North: 79,366; 51,894
Elmwood—Transcona: 78,700; 59,154
Saint Boniface: 84,473; 65,604
Winnipeg Centre: 81,017; 54,364
Charleswood—St. James—Assiniboia: 81,469; 62,609
Winnipeg South Centre: 78,286; 58,075
Winnipeg South: 84,424; 64,144
Average: 81,158; 59,964
I don't know why Winnipeg Centre was at the average in 2006 and well below in 2011. Is it losing people? Or does it have an unusually high proportion of non-citizens and/or children? In 2006 Winnipeg Centre had 11.4% non-citizens, while Kildonan-St. Paul had 4.0% non-citizens. That's part of the answer, but not all of it, so I think Winnipeg Centre must still be losing population share compared to Kildonan-St. Paul. We may not find out for sure until February. Similarly, Winnipeg North was slightly below average in 2006 but well below average in 2011; why?
As to Elmwood-Transcona, it may not change.
All I can say is if Winnipeg North goes more towards Lamoureux being re-elected, I am going to move out of the city.
Highlights from Friday's debate in the House:
Mr. Andrew Cash:
One of my colleagues opposite has said that Canadians deserve to have representation that is fair and balanced. We agree that Canadians do deserve that.
However, we have a system of first past the post, which has created a scenario where, on the government side, 39% of Canadians voted for the government and, on this side, 61% of Canadians voted for other parties.
When we are talking about how we are going to fix the democratic deficit in this country, certainly the conversations that Canadians are having, and I think the hon. member opposite would agree, are more about the issues and distortions that first past the post create in our country than they are about the redistribution of seats.
Fast growing provinces are not accurately represented here. There is no question about it. However, at the same time, we as a country have passed a unanimous motion that the Québécois form a nation in a united Canada. It is incumbent upon us to maintain the weight that Quebec has in this House.We need to move beyond the divide and conquest approaches of the government to actually truly fix the democratic deficit in this country, which certainly includes seat redistribution, but it also includes a real examination of our electoral system and first past the post.
Mr. Peter Stoffer (Sackville—Eastern Shore, NDP)
The face of Canada is changing quite rapidly. The bill does not address any of those issues. All it does is recognize that three provinces have more people, so they should have more seats and we have to do it right away.
If the Conservatives truly want to nation-build, let us talk to the provinces, the municipalities and Canadians about what they think is fair representation. We in the NDP have two words that will really help our country: proportional representation.
We should think about this. The Green Party of Canada, with great respect to it, gets 4% or 5% of the national vote and gets one seat. The Conservative Party gets 38% of the vote, 55% of the seats, but has 100% of the power. Yet 62% of the voting people said “no” to that agenda. Therefore, what we have is a stable opposition majority.
I remember very clearly certain members sitting in the House complaining about the Liberals when they only received 36% of the national vote. They had 177 seats, but 100% of the power.
We do not have to divide and conquer or pick winners and losers. Everybody in Canada should win with fair representation and with proportional representation. We are one of the few western democracies without proportional representation.The first past the post system is a failure. This is why so many Canadians refuse to exercise their most democratic right. The Conservatives can put 30 or 100 more MPs in here and they will not increase the voter turnout in our country. The way to do it is through proportional representation, to encourage all Canadians, whether they vote the Green Party in Charlottetown, or the NDP in B.C., or Conservative in Saskatchewan, or the Bloc Québécois in Quebec or whatever, to vote and know that their vote actually matters, that their vote will have a say in the general overall numbers. Right now, it does not.
We have lots of time for nation-building, but the only way we will to do it is if we co-operate with the provinces, municipalities, aboriginal groups and the territories to truly make the House of Commons what it should be, a reflection of Canadian society.Why do we not have 50% representation of women in this place? The bill does not address that. Why do we have so few aboriginal people in this place? This does not address that.
Why do we not do it right? Why do we not get rid of the first past the post system, bring in proportional representation . . . .Then we will see more young people voting. Then we will see more women wanting to get involved in politics. Then we will see more visible minorities, people with disabilities and more aboriginal people. If we are able to do that, then we would leave a legacy for the next generation of people and maybe our pictures would be in the Hall of Honour for building a new country.
http://www.parl.gc.ca/HousePublications/Publication.aspx?Pub=hansard&Language=E&Mode=1&Parl=41&Ses=1#Int-5255913
Highlights from yesterday's debate:
Conservative Scott Reid wants to cut Northern Ontario:
I defy anybody to stand here and say that it is a good thing that Canada's visible minorities are under-represented in the House of Commons, that they are doubly under-represented both because of what happens when we distribute seats among the provinces and when we distribute within at least one of the provinces.
Kennedy Stewart (Burnaby-Douglas, NDP):
We have never really had a proper debate in this country. In fact, the royal commission that looked at electoral reform in the 1990s was specifically instructed not to look at reforming our electoral system. Yet, we still have this back and forth debate about the number of seats and a system that does not work.
Why has the government not looked at the issue of proportional representation and when it will give Canadians a chance to discuss real electoral reform?
Scott Reid responds:
Alexandre Boulerice (Rosemont--La Petite-Patrie, NDP):
We are calling for a real democratic reform that would reform the voting system so that we have a proportional voting method and all political voices in this country are properly heard.
Members on the other side of the House talk about proportional representation based simply on demographic indicators. I would like to take this a little further and talk about proportional representation in the context of proportional representation within this House, and how we represent the voices of Canadians, their various affiliations and political ideas.
How is it that in this system, a government can have a strong, majority mandate with only 39% of votes, when nearly two-thirds of Canadians did not vote for it?
Francoise Boivin (Gatineau, NDP)
I remember that, at the time, it was a glorious thing to behold. In fact, the Liberal party was in government and some parties with numerous representatives in the House had no intention of even considering the possibility of reforming our electoral process, or even of reviewing the electoral process and proportional representation. Over the weekend, I was quite surprised to read that the honourable acting leader of the Liberal Party started to make a number of proposals regarding proportional representation.
What that tells me is that when a party is strong and has a stable and solid majority government, that is the time to think about such reforms if the party really cares about them.
Carol Hughes (Algoma--Manitoulin--Kapuskasing, NDP)
David Christopherson (Hamilton Centre, NDP)
Proportional representation may not be perfect, but it is a far cry better than the system we have right now. The current system leaves hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of Canadians without their vote and their voice being reflected in this place. We would address that.
Hon. James Moore:
I do note that my hon. colleague used to be a cabinet minister in the province of Ontario. When he was elected in the province of Ontario, according to these numbers, I see that he was elected with 36% of the vote and 37% of the vote. I know he did not like proportional representation in those elections.
There is an NDP majority government in the province of Manitoba. There is an NDP government in Nova Scotia. There was an NDP government in British Columbia. If the NDP is so committed to proportional representation, then why does it not impose it now in the provinces in which that party governs? Is it possibly because NDP members are all talk and no action when it comes to this issue?
David Christopherson:
Second, 21 years ago, which is the timeframe the member is talking about, this issue was not front and centre as it is now because we see us going in the wrong direction more and more, and we are seeing greater examples of it.
. . . that should not have happened. That should not be the way it is, but it is our system so we are all running under that system, but it is not right. It is not right to get 100% of the power when a party only gets 36%, 37%, 38%, 39%, or 40% of the vote. That is just not right.
Alexandrine Latendresse (Louis-Saint-Laurent, NDP)
The Liberal Party was in power for a very long time and never attempted to make any changes in this area. All of a sudden, when the Liberals are no longer in power, this issue becomes relevant. The Liberals are saying that something needs to be done regarding proportionality. There is something extremely ironic about that. I would like the member to comment on this.
Justin Trudeau (Papineau, Liberal):
Jamie Nicholls (Vaudreuil--Soulanges, NDP)
I would like to end with a quote. It says:
Who said that? It was the Prime Minister of Canada.
http://www.parl.gc.ca/HousePublications/Publication.aspx?Pub=hansard&Lan...
All I can say is if Winnipeg North goes more towards Lamoureux being re-elected, I am going to move out of the city.
I don't understand what you think is so terrible about this guy. I haven't met him yet, but is he the most evil MP in Canada or something? He must be liked locally to have won in an NDP stronghold. And he obviously must have attracted some NDP supporters to win there.
Just be glad you aren't stuck in a Conservative riding like I am right now.
Interesting projection of 2015 prospects:
http://www2.macleans.ca/2011/11/23/ubcs-richard-johnston-on-a-watershed-political-year/
Q: Is there any particular reason to doubt that the Liberals can rise again as a serious contender for power in a three-party system?
A: It’s never happened among the obvious comparators. Sometimes you get votes for the centre that are kind of a-plague-on-both-your-houses votes. So the recent rise of the Liberal Democrats in the UK was like that. But my hunch is we’ll look at the 2010 UK election was a blip on the screen. The Liberal Democrats must surely deeply regret going into coalition with the Conservatives, and I suspect at the next election they will pay the price. . . the NDP has its historical opportunity to build links to Quebec’s civil society and labour movement, and detach those segments from the nationalist project and attach them to the social democratic project more squarely. But it strikes me that they could easily blow it.
Chances are some of the Toronto-area seats they (Conservatives) picked off this time will be lost to the NDP next time. If the Liberals really are toast, it means some of those Liberal votes will go to the NDP in suburban Ontario. Some of those seats that were narrow victories for the Conservatives could easily go to the NDP.
Great read. Thanks, Wilf!
One hitch with the 2010 UK Lib Dem reference point is that their blip didn't carry through to election day--they lost seats, remember.
Interesting projection of 2015 prospects:
http://www2.macleans.ca/2011/11/23/ubcs-richard-johnston-on-a-watershed-political-year/
Chances are some of the Toronto-area seats they (Conservatives) picked off this time will be lost to the NDP next time. If the Liberals really are toast, it means some of those Liberal votes will go to the NDP in suburban Ontario. Some of those seats that were narrow victories for the Conservatives could easily go to the NDP.
If the NDP took 50% of the Liberal vote, & the Conservatives took 0%, they would gain a grand total of one of those suburban Toronto-area seats.
Interesting projection of 2015 prospects:
http://www2.macleans.ca/2011/11/23/ubcs-richard-johnston-on-a-watershed-political-year/
Chances are some of the Toronto-area seats they (Conservatives) picked off this time will be lost to the NDP next time. If the Liberals really are toast, it means some of those Liberal votes will go to the NDP in suburban Ontario. Some of those seats that were narrow victories for the Conservatives could easily go to the NDP.
If the NDP took 50% of the Liberal vote, & the Conservatives took 0%, they would gain a grand total of one of those suburban Toronto-area seats.
Irrelevant, since the boundaries will change. But just for fun, I make it Scarborough Centre, Don Valley East, and Bramalea-Gore-Malton. Along with Markham-Unionville, Scarborough-Guildwood, Scarborough-Agincourt, York West, Toronto Centre, St. Paul's, and Etobicoke North from the Liberals.
Irrelevant, since the boundaries will change. But just for fun, I make it Scarborough Centre, Don Valley East, and Bramalea-Gore-Malton. Along with Markham-Unionville, Scarborough-Guildwood, Scarborough-Agincourt, York West, Toronto Centre, St. Paul's, and Etobicoke North frm the Liberals.
It's also presuming that the Conservative vote will remain fixed in place, with no movement whatsoever t/w the NDP--but remember: even a lot of that vote is "parked" and shiftable. Right under our noses IOW, there may be more potential Bramalea-Gore-Maltons in the making. (And remember that prior to the last election, the one potentially-NDP suburban Toronto seat anyone would have bet on was, as per usual, Oshawa. BGM was totally off-radar--and even if the Cons won, it was with a lower share than what they lost with the previous election.)
Hon. James Moore:
I do note that my hon. colleague used to be a cabinet minister in the province of Ontario. When he was elected in the province of Ontario, according to these numbers, I see that he was elected with 36% of the vote and 37% of the vote. I know he did not like proportional representation in those elections.
There is an NDP majority government in the province of Manitoba. There is an NDP government in Nova Scotia. There was an NDP government in British Columbia. If the NDP is so committed to proportional representation, then why does it not impose it now in the provinces in which that party governs? Is it possibly because NDP members are all talk and no action when it comes to this issue?
Moore makes a very good point. If the NDP supports fair voting/proportional representaion, NDP governments should implement it in Manitoba and Nova Scotia. By not implementing fair voting where it has the power to do so, the NDP exposes the hypocrisy of it position on electoral reform and drastically weakens its argument in favour of electoral reform.
Will the NDP put the interests of Canadians first and implement fair voting in Manitoba and Nova Scotia and in all jurisdictions in the future where they obtain power via FPTP?
This isn't a question of hypocrisy. When it comes to policy and platform planks, the provincial NDP are not beholden to the federal NDP, while the federal NDP is not obliged to the individual provincial parties. They have their own positions and platforms in their respective jurisdictions.
That said, the BC NDP and the Ontario NDP support proportional representation, and shame on the Manitoba and Nova Scotia NDP for not pursuing it.
But our federal MPs are doing a great job of raising and fighting for this crucial issue, well done!
No governing party will implement proportional representation because they know it won't be to their benefit. Manitoba is a perfect example, the NDP are the party that is benefiting from FPTP so why would they change election laws to have a minority?
The federal NDP have been getting screwed by first past the post for decades, and Jack Layton made it a priority for the party and is included in the federal platform. Layton also raised the issue in the English Leaders' Debate. The NDP are well aware that first past the post is an electoral system designed in the 1800s for two parties, which gives false majorities and complete rule to one party. The NDP could easily govern within a proportional system, seeing as the Bloc, Greens and even the Liberals can support much of their legislation (the Climate Change Accountability Act comes to mind, as does social housing, anti-poverty initiatives etc).
The federal NDP have been getting screwed by first past the post for decades, and Jack Layton made it a priority for the party and is included in the federal platform. Layton also raised the issue in the English Leaders' Debate. The NDP are well aware that first past the post is an electoral system designed in the 1800s for two parties, which gives false majorities and complete rule to one party. The NDP could easily govern within a proportional system, seeing as the Bloc, Greens and even the Liberals can support much of their legislation (the Climate Change Accountability Act comes to mind, as does social housing, anti-poverty initiatives etc).
FPTP is starting to benefit the NDP in some places. They won 59 of 75 seats in Quebec with less the 43% of the vote, they doubled the Liberals in sets in Ontario eventhough they won almost the exact same popular vote. If the NDP win a majority, or even a minority, the only way we will get a PR system is if they pass legislation without holding a referendum. I don't think a referendum on abolishing FPTP in favour of a PR system will ever pass because the major parties who can form government won't campaign hard enough in favour of PR.
Well, left-wing and progressive parties do much better under PR.
But I agree, that an NDP government would be wise to pass an amendment to the Canada Elections Act, replacing first past the post with proportional representation, as opposed to a referendum, which the media and Conservatives would greatly distort and do their best to confuse everyone on the issue.
FPTP is starting to benefit the NDP in some places.
And not in others.
On the present electoral map, the MMP system recommended by the Law Commssion of Canada would (on the votes cast May 2) have let New Democrat voters elect 97 MPs (127 Conservatives, 56 Liberals, 17 Bloc Québécois, and 11 Greens, an NDP/Liberal/Green majority).
But look where they would have been. NDP voters in areas where they elected too few or no MPs would have elected 21 more MPs: five in Saskatchewan, four more in Alberta, two more in Manitoba, three more in Eastern Ontario, three more in the GTA, one more in each of West Central Ontario and Southwest Ontario, and two more in New Brunswick.
On the other hand, in Northern Ontario, four NDP MPs, not six. For the 21 MPs from Montréal and Laval, eight NDP MPs not 13. For the 12 MPs from Montérégie, seven MPs, not all 12. For the 14 MPs from Laurentides, Lanaudière, Outaouais and Abitibi, NDP voters would have elected nine MPs, but not all 14. For the 10 MPs from Estrie-Centre-du-Québec-Mauricie, four NDP MPs not seven. For the 18 MPs from the region of Québec City and eastern Québec, NDP voters would have elected seven MPs not 13.
http://wilfday.blogspot.com/2011/05/what-would-those-2011-election-resul...
Well, left-wing and progressive parties do much better under PR.
But I agree, that an NDP government would be wise to pass an amendment to the Canada Elections Act, replacing first past the post with proportional representation, as opposed to a referendum, which the media and Conservatives would greatly distort and do their best to confuse everyone on the issue.
If PR has the aim of improving democracy why not allow a referendum on it?
Glenl, I think most people who favour PR are democrats who would support the concept of a referendum. It is felt that the process leading up to the last referendum in Ontario was rushed through by a government that didn't want it to win.
It would represent a big chance to the system alright, one that would be worth the time to have a full discussion and consideration of the implications before pressing people to vote.
Another problem with the Ontario referendum was that the citizens' assembly did not recommend a specific method of PR, so at the time the very non-political folks I was working with thought they would be buying a pig in a poke. This also allowed opponents of electoral reform to go to town against "party lists" which was and still is the weakest link in the PR model, but as Wilf and others who live and breath all this will point out, the "open list" model redresses that problem. Too bad it wasn't the proposal on the table.
Also too bad that for some bizarre reason, the politicians seemed to think they couldn't take a position on the referendum during that election.
I think we're going to hear more about abolishing the Senate and replacing it with the PR side of MMPR from Brian Topp in the new year, and I would imagine he's thought out that proposal and how to achieve it better than most political people on our side of the fence. It's a proposal I'm very interested in seeing.
If PR has the aim of improving democracy why not allow a referendum on it?
Minority rights should not be decided by a referendum.
This isn't a question of hypocrisy. When it comes to policy and platform planks, the provincial NDP are not beholden to the federal NDP, while the federal NDP is not obliged to the individual provincial parties. They have their own positions and platforms in their respective jurisdictions.
That said, the BC NDP and the Ontario NDP support proportional representation, and shame on the Manitoba and Nova Scotia NDP for not pursuing it.
But our federal MPs are doing a great job of raising and fighting for this crucial issue, well done!
I'd agree that the federal NDP are doing a great job on the issue but the lack of progress on this issue where the NDP is and has been government, weakens the argument in favour of fair voting.
If the NDP makes fair voting an issue, the Conservatives are going to argue that the federal NDP favours electoral reform because they want to "game the system" unfairly for partisan advantage.
Is there a strong counter argument to the Conservatives line that the NDP is just trying to game the system? If the NDP makes electoral reform an important issue it might be a good idea that the NDP have a good counter to this line of argument.
Hon. James Moore:
Mr. Speaker, my hon. colleague, in his speech, talked about the importance of proportional representation and how that would be the first principle of a possible NDP government in this country. He said that proportional representation is the most important electoral reform that we can put in place.
I do note that my hon. colleague used to be a cabinet minister in the province of Ontario. When he was elected in the province of Ontario, according to these numbers, I see that he was elected with 36% of the vote and 37% of the vote. I know he did not like proportional representation in those elections.
There is an NDP majority government in the province of Manitoba. There is an NDP government in Nova Scotia. There was an NDP government in British Columbia. If the NDP is so committed to proportional representation, then why does it not impose it now in the provinces in which that party governs?
If PR has the aim of improving democracy why not allow a referendum on it?
Minority rights should not be decided by a referendum.
What?
Is there a strong counter argument to the Conservatives line that the NDP is just trying to game the system? If the NDP makes electoral reform an important issue it might be a good idea that the NDP have a good counter to this line of argument.
Yes, that first past the post games the system, that it's a winner take all system, and that FPTP is an undemocratic and antiquated relic of a voting system from the 1800s designed for two parties. We're now in the 21st century and have five federal political parties. The Conservatives won 166 seats with FPTP, when under PR, they would have won approximately 122.
Here is my Christmas present for electoral map fans.
Where will Ontario’s 15 new seats in Parliament be? This will be determined by a Boundaries Commission to be set up in Feburary. But since there is so much interest, I have spent some time on the answer.
First, how many seats will be available for southern Ontario, after the North is dealt with?
Last time, in the 2004 Boundaries Commission Report after the 2001 census, the North (north of the French River) had enough people for 7.74 “quotients.” The Commission decided they could not give them more than nine ridings. This time, with 8.4% fewer people and a quotient 2.7% higher, that area has only 6.91 quotients.
But with Ontario getting more MPs, how can a Commission explain the North losing an MP? Conservative MP Michael Chong said in the House debate “the bill would ensure that rural Ontario continues to have the number of seats it has presently, while, at the same time, adding new seats to the rapidly growing urban regions of our province. One of the challenges with the bill that the Liberals have proposed is that, while it would add some new seats to the rapidly growing regions of urban Ontario, it would take seats away from rural Ontario and add them to urban Ontario. Our bill would not do that.” House debates are not binding on the Commission, but this comment does reflect the likely approach of most Commissioners.
There is a simple solution, since the Ontario government now defines the North as including Parry Sound. Adding Parry Sound, it is possible for the North to keep nine MPs without breaking any rules, as detailed below.
So I think the new 15 seats will be:
Peel-Halton gets 5 more seats (3.8 in Peel, 1.2 in Halton)
York Region gets 2 more (2.9 mathematically, considering they now share one MP with Simcoe, and will have to share one with Durham)
Toronto 2 more (1.6 mathematically, but they won't have an MP shared with Pickering)
Durham 1 more (0.9 mathematically; they won't have to share an MP with Scarborough East but will with York.)
Ottawa—Prescott & Russell 1 more (1.2 mathematically, since they won't have to share an MP with Lanark)
Hamilton 1 more shared with Brant; and Niagara will no longer have to share one with Hamilton)
Kingston to Peterborough 1 more (due to growth in Kingston and Frontenac, Napanee won't have to share an MP with Lanark anymore, and the urban area of Belleville-Quinte West will have their own MP)
Waterloo—Wellington—Dufferin 1 more (0.7 mathematically, but they won't have to share an MP with Perth anymore)
Windsor--Essex 1 more (0.7 mathematically), a new MP in suburban Windsor, by giving Essex-Kent-Lambton an extra half riding and London-Middlesex the other half, so they no longer have a riding straddling the regions' boundary.
Simcoe—Muskoka has growth worth 0.5 MP, accommodated by Muskoka not having to share an MP with Parry Sound anymore.
Total 15.5 mathematically, but there are only 15 new seats. The North loses 0.4 seats. Stormont, Dundas & Glengarry loses 0.1.
How do I calculate this?
We have some handy 2011 population estimates by districts and counties from the Ontario government:
http://www.fin.gov.on.ca/en/economy/demographics/projections/table6.html
The results are shown below, with the exact quotients in brackets. Note that all my southern ridings are within 10% of quotient, although the Commission is allowed to deviate by up to 25%.
I have tried to follow districts and counties as much as possible, and District School Boards such as the Near North Board (Parry Sound—Nipissing). I have eliminated 13 boundary-straddling ridings, but created five new ones, sorry.
Toronto has 24.98 “quotients.” But no major region can get its quotients rounded up, after the North gets an extra 1.7 seats. Besides, the Commission will follow the census, with under-reported figures, and the under-reporting will likely be worse in Toronto. So Toronto will get 24 seats.
Toronto 24 (24.98) (note these 24 ridings will be only 4% over quotient.)
York—Durham 15 (15.30), including a Durham North—Georgina alignment.
Peel—Halton 17 (17.06), including a Halton Hills--Brampton Mount Pleasant.
Hamilton—Brant 6 (6.13), including an Ancaster-Dundas—Brant North.
Niagara Region 4 (4.04)
Haldimand-Norfolk 1 (1.01)
Waterloo—Wellington—Dufferin 7 (7.32) (4.6% over quotient, details below)
Oxford 1 (0.97)
London-Middlesex—Elgin—Perth-Huron 6 (6.22)
Windsor-Essex—Chatham-Kent—Lambton 6 (5.82) (details below)
Simcoe—Muskoka—Grey-Bruce 6 (6.23) (details below)
Peterborough—Kawartha Lakes-Haliburton—Northumberland 3 (2.88) (details below)
Hastings-Prince-Edward—Lennox & Addington 2 (1.85)
Kingston-Frontenac—Lanark 2 (2.00)
Leeds & Grenville 1 (0.93)
Stormont, Dundas & Glengarry 1 (1.03)
Renfrew 1 (0.93)
Ottawa—Prescott & Russell 9 (9.02)
Here are details of the more difficult areas where ridings will have to straddle the boundaries of counties, regional municipalities or districts, showing what amount of a “quotient” each riding has. I acknowledge the help of Krago's projections of local populations:
North 9:
Sudbury 0.85
Nickel Belt--Timiskaming (includes West Nipissing and Temagami) 0.81
Parry Sound-Nipissing (North Bay and east) 0.99
Cochrane 0.78
Sudbury-Algoma-Manitoulin (includes Bruce Mines) 0.82
Sault Ste. Marie (includes Michipicoten (Wawa) and Dubreuilville) 0.86
Thunder Bay – Superior (includes White River and Hornepayne) 0.76
Thunder Bay – Fort Frances 0.76
Kenora – West Rainy River 0.64 (recognized as exceptional already by the last Commission)
Waterloo—Wellington—Dufferin 7:
Kitchener—Waterloo 1.05
Kitchener—Wilmot 1.05
Kitchener—Hespeler—Puslinch 1.05
Cambridge 1.07 (still includes North Dumfries)
Waterloo—Wellington (N.W. Waterloo, Elmira, Mount Forest) 1.01
Guelph 1.07
Dufferin—Wellington (includes Fergus) 1.02
Windsor-Essex—Chatham-Kent--Lambton 6:
Windsor East 0.98
Windsor West 0.98
Essex Northwest 1.01
Essex—Kent 0.92
Chatham-Kent--Lambton 0.92
Sarnia—Lambton 1.01
Simcoe—Muskoka—Grey-Bruce 6:
Simcoe South 1.06
Barrie 1.10
Barrie-Midland 1.10
Muskoka—Simcoe North 1.08
Grey North--Simcoe West 1.09
Bruce--Grey--Huron 1.10
Peterborough—Kawartha Lakes-Haliburton—Northumberland 3:
Peterborough 1.01
Northumberland—Peterborough 0.94
Kawartha Lakes-Haliburton 0.93
Do Alberta next, Wilf! :)
And BC!
And BC!
What should I assume will happen to the Kootenays and the three northern ridings?
In the rest of BC, the last Commission tried to keep with 10% of quotient.
By the 2006 census BC had 4,113,485 people, or 114,263 per riding.
Kootenay–Columbia was 18% below quotient when created with 88,640 people, and by 2006 had shrunk to 86,810 people, or 24% below quotient.
B.C. Southern Interior was 11% below quotient when created with 96,140 people. By 2006 it had shrunk to 95,477 people, or 16% below quotient.
Skeena—Bulkley Valley was 8% below quotient when created with 99,474 people. In 2006 it had shrunk to 91,925, or 20% below quotient.
Prince George - Peace River was 4% below quotient when created with 104,257 people. In 2006 it had grown only slightly to 105,870, now 7% below quotient.
Cariboo - Prince George was 3% above quotient when created with 111,486 people. By 2006 it had shrunk to 106,375, or 7% below quotient.
With BC getting 6 new MPs, people will be surprised if any area loses a seat. Yet the new quotient is 108,889. If Kootenay-Columbia is still 86,810 people, that’s 20.3% below quotient. Most Commissions aim at a 10% variance, or no more than 15% at the most. Should I freeze Kootenay-Columbia and Skeena—Bulkley Valley, or treat them like other ridings?
(double post)
And BC!
That's an excellent question. I don't know. It's hard to imagine Nathan Cullen's riding getting even bigger. Perhaps you could just make two models, the "part-frozen" model (do not remove any ridings from the zone where ridings are unimaginably massive), and the "anywhere is fair game" model.
And BC!
That's an excellent question. I don't know. It's hard to imagine Nathan Cullen's riding getting even bigger. Perhaps you could just make two models, the "part-frozen" model (do not remove any ridings from the zone where ridings are unimaginably massive), and the "anywhere is fair game" model.
Would BC, at least those MP's from the rural areas not pull a "Northern Ontario" and try and demand that these large ridings not get any larger? Do we know if the Boundary commission will free these seats? is that even a consideration. It would be the same defence thats used to keep the smaller provinces with the same amount of representation they have now. Using a Frozen Model that would mean some seats in BC, ON and PQ would not be able to have any redistribution... and might make the attempt to redistribute SK into Urban/Rural seats more difficult (but since they are guranteed 14 i think its less a concern).
That's an excellent question. I don't know. It's hard to imagine Nathan Cullen's riding getting even bigger. Perhaps you could just make two models, the "part-frozen" model (do not remove any ridings from the zone where ridings are unimaginably massive), and the "anywhere is fair game" model.
Would BC, at least those MP's from the rural areas not pull a "Northern Ontario" and try and demand that these large ridings not get any larger? Do we know if the Boundary commission will free these seats? is that even a consideration. It would be the same defence thats used to keep the smaller provinces with the same amount of representation they have now. Using a Frozen Model that would mean some seats in BC, ON and PQ would not be able to have any redistribution... and might make the attempt to redistribute SK into Urban/Rural seats more difficult (but since they are guranteed 14 i think its less a concern).
I don't know. The true nerds among us might want to dig up the boundary commission reports from last decade and see what led to that decision. Remember BC will be getting new seats, so "freezing" the BC North still allows redistribution in the rest of the province. It just prevents incredibly large ridings from getting even bigger.
Would BC, at least those MP's from the rural areas not pull a "Northern Ontario" and try and demand that these large ridings not get any larger? Do we know if the Boundary commission will freeze these seats? is that even a consideration. It would be the same defence thats used to keep the smaller provinces with the same amount of representation they have now. Using a Frozen Model that would mean some seats in BC, ON and PQ would not be able to have any redistribution... and might make the attempt to redistribute SK into Urban/Rural seats more difficult (but since they are guranteed 14 i think its less a concern).
Each province has its own Boundaries Commission. In my prediction for Ontario, above, I said what I think the Ontario Commission will do, consistent with the last one ten years ago. But I may be guessing wrong. As you can see, I suggested they would be unable to "freeze" the nine northern seats, but would compromise by adding Parry Sound to the North, and letting the North have 1.7 more MPs than their population calls for. The other 121 Ontario seats must therefore have, on average, 1.4% more people than the Ontario quotient; not a serious injustice.
The last Quebec Commission refused to give much consideration to their two potential extraordinary seats, so they may not have a problem this time, except in the Lower St. Lawrence where Guy Caron's seat could vanish.
BC had a huge problem in the last provincial redistribution. The Commission refused to give special consideration for the low-density areas, so the legislature (with all-party support) passed an amendment to the Act and told them to add six MLAs and try again; which worked. However, the BC federal Boundaries Commission will have to work with 42 seats. If they get the message from the provincial experience, they will say "with BC getting more MPs, how can we explain the Kootenays or the North having even larger ridings? If low density areas continue to have the seats they have presently, while we add six new seats to the rapidly growing urban regions of BC, will there be much objection?" That depends, in part, on whether there was much objection in BC to the provincial decision to add six MLAs in order to prevent low-growth areas losing seats. Was there?
The first round of the provincial boundaries commission for the last election produced some truly bizarre results. They sliced the Davie Village in half, placing a few blocks of it in Vancouver-False Creek, such that anything from the south side of Davie to the water between Burrard and Thurlow was lumped in with Yaletown instead of Vancouver-West End. I personally wrote a letter to Xtra, which didn't notice it until I brought it to their attention. In the second round, those blocks were moved into West End.
But I don't recall much opposition to maintaining the rural seats. In terms of the all-party support, it didn't hurt that the North was/remained quite split between NDP and Liberal, so that neither would have felt unfairly disadvantaged by keeping the North a bit overrepresented.
I said above:
Guy Caron has foreseen what may happen to his riding:
Michael Chong thinks it will not happen in Ontario (but I think he is too optimistic):
Actually, with some careful work by the Boundaries Commission, I now think it is possible to still have nine MPs from Northern Ontario (if you add Parry Sound) and to still have an MP from Goderich and smaller centres like the present Huron-Bruce, the most rural riding in Ontario. (At first I didn't see how to do it.) So I think Chong is right: rural Ontario will not lose seats.
I did not think they got to the closed vs open list part. Maybe I confused what the assembly recommended with the actual question that wound up on the referendum ballot.
But that was the killer where I worked at the time, and was exploited very effectively by the pro-FPTP forces. Had the question on the ballot been MMPR with Open lists, I believe it might have stood a far better chance of passing. By being vague on it, the No forces were able to make it into whatever they liked. The party list idea was the death of MMPR (notwithstanding that the Liberal leader appointed more candidates, and re-appointed more incumbents that the leader of any other party, which in my view boils down to more or less the same thing).
Another problem with the Ontario referendum was that the citizens' assembly did not recommend a specific method of PR, so at the time the very non-political folks I was working with thought they would be buying a pig in a poke. This also allowed opponents of electoral reform to go to town against "party lists" which was and still is the weakest link in the PR model, but as Wilf and others who live and breath all this will point out, the "open list" model redresses that problem. Too bad it wasn't the proposal on the table.
I took OO's quote as referring to the method of nominating list candidates to the province-wide lists. They considered specifying democratic nomination methods, as German election law specifies (unlike Canada, in Germany parties cannot by law appoint any candidates either local or list).
http://wilfday.blogspot.com/2009/10/democratic-nominations-why-is-german...
The 103 Citizens decided this was beyond their mandate, and stated only "Before the election, parties must submit their lists, and the details of the process they used to create them, to Elections Ontario." This left it up to the parties to decide, just as they were in the middle of final election preparations, what to say when the media asked "how would you do it?" The ONDP's own policy called for MMP with regional lists, not an Ontario-wide list. The NDP could, given time, have replied "Just as the New Zealand Labour Party does it: hold democratic regional nominations in regions across Ontario (New Zealand Labour uses six regions, and then folds the six lists into one national list; with Ontario having three times the population of New Zealand I would have advocated at least nine regions for the Ontario NDP). There was no time to design and approve such a process.
As OO also points out, the recommendation of the Law Commission of Canada was for open lists. We still elect local MPs. Voters unrepresented by the local results top them up by electing regional MPs. The total MPs match the vote share. Your regional vote can be cast by marking your ballot with an X either for the list as nominated, or for any regional candidate standing on the regional ballot. That's the model the Ontario Citizens' Assembly almost chose, but ran out of time: http://wilfday.blogspot.com/2010/03/ontario-mixed-member-model-citizens....
I did not think they got to the closed vs open list part. Maybe I confused what the assembly recommended with the actual question that wound up on the referendum ballot.
Yes, you did. The ballot question had no details.
It's amazing that OPEN-LIST MMP has been by far the most popular choice of electoral reform supporters and yet wasn't offered as a choice on the electoral reform referendum ballots in PEI, BC, and Ontario.
On the brighter side, New Zealand just voted to keep MMP and will likely fine tune it and move from their closed-list version to an open-list version.
MMP now confirmed for future generations
We've voted to hang on to MMP-now it's time to fine-tune it
The MMP review will cover other bugbears in the system:
* The fact that MPs defeated in constituency contests can return through their party's list. Likewise, the increasing practice of list MPs standing as candidates in byelections.
* The rule that removes the 5 per cent threshold if a party wins an electorate seat.
This rule created anomalies, such as in 2008 when New Zealand First won more than 4 per cent of the party vote and remained seatless, yet Act got five MPs through holding the Epsom electorate despite securing fewer party votes.
One option would be to remove this apparent anomaly and lower the threshold, which is also subject to the review, say to 4 per cent.
* The fact that lists are compiled by parties with no voter input. The commission will look at whether to open party lists to voters and allow them to rank their preferences.
* The "overhang", whereby Parliament increases in size when a party wins more electorate seats than its share of the party vote.
* The longer-term problem of ratio of electorate seats to list seats.
One advantage of having not yet implemented electoral reform in Canada is that we can learn from the experience of having MMP in places such as New Zealand, Scotland, Wales, and Germany.
Looking at the New Zealand experience, the best version of open-list MMP for Canada might be one that does not allow candidates to run on both the constituency and list sides of the ballot. It seems like New Zealanders don't like having MP's lose at the constituency level and backing into Parliament via a list.
Another interesting wrinkle mentioned in the article above is the possibility of ranking candidates on the list side. Presumably an open-list MMP system could have poreferential balloting on both the list and constituency sides. This would eliminate vote splitting but make for a less simple system.
It's amazing that OPEN-LIST MMP has been by far the most popular choice of electoral reform supporters and yet wasn't offered as a choice on the electoral reform referendum ballots in PEI, BC, and Ontario.
One advantage of having not yet implemented electoral reform in Canada is that we can learn from the experience of having MMP in places such as New Zealand, Scotland, Wales, and Germany.
Agreed.
The BC Citizens Assembly were in the process of designing, I expect, an open-list MMP system when they ran out of time and had to decide between MMP and STV, so we'll never know for sure, but I strongly suspect they would have chosen open-regional list MMP with four regions. Whether it would have been "flexible open" (you can vote for the list if you want) or "fully open" (you must chose a regional candidate) I'm less certain. They did get as far as deciding that "flexible" was a type of "open."
Ontario also ran out of time before being able to revisit their model, once they had settled the thorny question of expanding the House and what percentage of MPPs would be local, so they may have chosen open list. Do you see a pattern? Citizens' Assemblies may not be the best way of doing detailed work on electoral systems. New Zealand used the Commission model to settle that, as did the UK with their Jenkins Commission, and PEI with its commission. Of those three, Jenkins recommended open regional list, the New Zealand Commission was torn and came down for closed list, and PEI went with closed list.
On the brighter side, New Zealand just voted to keep MMP and will likely fine tune it and move from their closed-list version to an open-list version.
MMP now confirmed for future generations
We've voted to hang on to MMP-now it's time to fine-tune it
The MMP review will cover other bugbears in the system:
* The fact that MPs defeated in constituency contests can return through their party's list. Likewise, the increasing practice of list MPs standing as candidates in byelections.
* The rule that removes the 5 per cent threshold if a party wins an electorate seat.
This rule created anomalies, such as in 2008 when New Zealand First won more than 4 per cent of the party vote and remained seatless, yet Act got five MPs through holding the Epsom electorate despite securing fewer party votes.
One option would be to remove this apparent anomaly and lower the threshold, which is also subject to the review, say to 4 per cent.
* The fact that lists are compiled by parties with no voter input. The commission will look at whether to open party lists to voters and allow them to rank their preferences.
* The "overhang", whereby Parliament increases in size when a party wins more electorate seats than its share of the party vote.
* The longer-term problem of ratio of electorate seats to list seats.
Looking at the New Zealand experience, the best version of open-list MMP for Canada might be one that does not allow candidates to run on both the constituency and list sides of the ballot. It seems like New Zealanders don't like having MP's lose at the constituency level and backing into Parliament via a list.
I think that's because they want to be able to vote for the regional candidate (open list). The last Parliamentary review found "Survey information shows significant majority support for the principle of open lists" but the MPs, as usual, liked the system they won under. Forcing candidates either to gamble on winning the local seat or running regionally actually ends up limiting voters' choices. No surveys in Scotland or Wales found voters object to dual candidacy; it gives them MPs competing with each other to serve constituents, just as they do in Germany: "bad for politicians, good for voters" is the common verdict. The Wales Labour Party objected to it, because it helped all other parties compete with Labour, and recently managed to get it outlawed in Wales. I hope New Zealand doesn't go that route.
Another interesting wrinkle mentioned in the article above is the possibility of ranking candidates on the list side. Presumably an open-list MMP system could have preferential balloting on both the list and constituency sides. This would eliminate vote splitting but make for a less simple system.
Yes, the ballot would be far more complex than even STV, as would the count. Hard enough to rank one set of candidates without ranking both. Ireland takes three days to count the local rankings, and you would have to do that first before even starting to count the regional rankings. Is there such a thing as too much voter choice? As for vote-splitting on the local ballot, MMP makes this a non-issue since the party make-up of the House is determined by the second vote (party vote, regional vote).
Ummm...thread drift, don't you think?
Will there be a map of the possible new ridings in Quebec too?
If Guy Caron is correct about rural Quebec losing a few ridings to the suburban Montreal area, where will the 3 new ridings be created, in addition to the redistributed ones?
If Guy Caron is correct about rural Quebec losing a few ridings to the suburban Montreal area, where will the 3 new ridings be created, in addition to the redistributed ones?
See post #99 on the first thread:
http://rabble.ca/babble/canadian-politics/more-electoral-maps
The only problem is the Bas-Saint-Laurent-Gaspésie regions lose a half a seat.
One more for Montreal, one for Montérégie, one-half for Laval (which now has 3.5), and 1.5 for Laurentides—Lanaudière.
After the next election, if the NDP is in a position to do so, setting up an electoral reform commission that embraces public opinion and then recommends a specific fair voting electoral system withn the first year of a government's mandate would likely be the best way to go. The NDP could then pass the legislation required to insure that the election in 2019 would use a form of fair voting.
As for vote-splitting on the local ballot, MMP makes this a non-issue since the party make-up of the House is determined by the second vote (party vote, regional vote).
This is one reason why it's advantageous to have at least 25% of MMP seats derived from the list side. If list members represent less then 20% of overall members, vote-splitting would still be a big problem. An "MMP-light" system with less then 20% list representation would benefit from preferential voting to eliminate the problems of vote-splitting but the better way to go would be to have the list members represent at least 25% or more preferably 33% or more.
Vote-splitting is probably the aspect of FPTP that currently disturbs Canadians the most. That voting for your favorite party can preversely help elect your least favorite party is the aspect of FPTP that that probably causes the most consternation during FPTP elections.
Vote-splitting is probably the aspect of FPTP that currently disturbs Canadians the most. That voting for your favorite party can preversely help elect your least favorite party is the aspect of FPTP that that probably causes the most consternation during FPTP elections.
Agreed. One of the great benefits of a mixed member proportional system (or mixed compensatory system as Quebeckers call it) is to keep local MPs while making vote-splitting a non-issue.
After the next election, if the NDP is in a position to do so, setting up an electoral reform commission that embraces public opinion and then recommends a specific fair voting electoral system withn the first year of a government's mandate would likely be the best way to go. The NDP could then pass the legislation required to insure that the election in 2019 would use a form of fair voting.
Yes, that's the way. The Liberals should agree to that too.
As for vote-splitting on the local ballot, MMP makes this a non-issue since the party make-up of the House is determined by the second vote (party vote, regional vote).
This is one reason why it's advantageous to have at least 25% of MMP seats derived from the list side. If list members represent less then 20% of overall members, vote-splitting would still be a big problem. An "MMP-light" system with less then 20% list representation would benefit from preferential voting to eliminate the problems of vote-splitting but the better way to go would be to have the list members represent at least 25% or more preferably 33% or more.
Quite right. In fact, even the 30% recommended by the Ontario Citizens' Assembly was "MMP-lightish". Wales 33% is the lowest found in the real world, and the recommendation of the Law Commission of Canada was "at least" 33%: four of the ten MPs from New Brunswick, and so on, a typical region being nine local MPs and five regional MPs (which matches Manitoba and Saskatchewan), average around 35% compensatory ("regional top-up" as they're called in Scotland) MPs. Besides, you never know what preferential voting may do: in 1952 in British Columbia the former coalition partners, the Liberals and Conservatives, had their voters so mad at each other that they made their second choice "none of the above" and accidentally elected a Social Credit government whose nominal leader was an Alberta federal MP!
And BC!
As I thought, the six new seats will be four in the Lower Mainland, one on Vancouver Island, and one in the Interior, using BC Stats projections for 2011 populations.
http://www.bcstats.gov.bc.ca/data/pop/popstart.asp
The North and the Kootenays can, in my opinion, remain unchanged. Growth in Kelowna (which is now too big for a single riding) and Kamloops requires a new riding. In fact, the new Interior riding can even lead to a minor improvement in the BC Southern Interior riding, moving Princeton and Keremeos into Okanagan South-Central.
Here's what I get for the North (all unchanged) and Interior, showing the population as a decimal of the "electoral quotient."
Skeena - Bulkley Valley 0.94
Prince George - Peace River 1.0
Cariboo - Prince George 1.0
Kamloops 0.98 (the Kamloops Local Health District including Kamloops City, minus Logan Lake, Monte Lake and Pritchard)
Shuswap--Thompson--Cariboo total 0.95 (Columbia-Shuswap including Salmon Arm, but still leaving Revelstoke & Golden to Kootenay-Columbia as today. Add Enderby and Armstrong - Spallumcheen Local Health Areas. And then it takes in all of Thompson-Nicola outside the Kamloops seat including Merrit, plus the 100 Mile House Area, and the Lillooet LHA).
(I wonder where Cathy McLeod would like to seek re-election? She lives in Kamloops, but back in 1999 she was Mayor of Pemberton and might feel more at home in the more rural riding than in the urban Kamloops riding where the NDP would have a good chance.)
Okanagan North - Lake Country 0.94 (North Okanagan including Vernon but not Enderby and Armstrong - Spallumcheen; and in Central Okanagan, Lake Country and about 15,000 people off the north end of Kelowna.)
(Again, would Colin Mayes prefer to run here since he now lives in Vernon, or would he rather run in Shuswap--Thompson--Cariboo since he used to be Mayor of Salmon Arm? Then again, he'll be 67 in 2015 and may retire after nine years in office.)
Kelowna 0.98 (most of Kelowna)
Okanagan South-Central 1.00 (West Kelowna, Peachland, etc., plus Okanagan-Similkameen including Penticton but excluding Oliver and Osoyoos which stay with Southern Interior.)
Southern Interior 0.91
Kootenay-Columbia 0.82. This is the one riding with greater than 10% deviance, but it's not even close to the 25% limit. It keeps its present boundaries because, with six new seats, it will do no harm, and no one is shortchanged.
The Lower Mainland has 25.496 quotients, and will get 25 seats, up from 21.
I don't want to be the one who redraws the Lower Mainland map. Overall, it's easy:
The areas running from Burnaby to Mission have 6.1 quotients and get 6 seats, up from 5.
The Delta-Surrey-Langley-Abbotsford belt has 7.9 quotients and gets 8 seats, up from 6.4 (due to Delta - Richmond East being 40% in Delta).
The Vancouver-Richmond-North Shore region has 10.5 quotients and gets 10 seats, up from 8.6. They average 5% over quotient, not a problem.
Chilliwack/Kent/Hope etc. have 0.97 quotients and stay as one seat.
The first problem will be, that the North Shore including everything up to Powell River, which now has two seats, rates 2.6. Do we have a riding running across the Lions Gate Bridge?
But then Vancouver has 6.09 quotients. Six seats, instead of the present five? But what about that 0.4 seat running across Burrard Inlet? Add Richmond's 1.82 quotients, and the ten seats will cross both borders.
One area looks easier. Surrey/White Rock has 4.5 quotients, up from 4 seats. Langley has 1.23, Abbotsford has 1.3. So a new seat straddles Surrey and Langley. Fine by me.
Now, Vancouver Island is pretty simple.
The Capital Region has 3.4 quotients, and now has 3 seats.
Nanaimo-Cowichan and Nanaimo-Alberni have 2.5 quotients, and now have 2 seats.
So the new seat straddles Langford and Duncan.
Vancouver Island North now has 1.1 quotients. Likely have to shift 7,000 or 10,000 people south of Courtenay into Nanaimo-Alberni.
Now, B.C. babblers, tell me where I've missed something.
I don't dig the idea of a riding straddling Lion's Gate. It just doesn't seem natural. That would mean excising some arbitrary chunk of the West End and pasting it onto a North Shore riding. The West Enders would absolutely throw a fit and never allow it (can you imagine Davie and Denman being represented by the same person as Park Royal or Lonsdale Quay?). They're going to have to find some other solution.
A Vancouver-Richmond riding would be weird but not as incoherent as downtown-North Shore. Some part of Vancouver South definitely votes more like Richmond than like the rest of Vancouver.
A riding straddling Vancouver and Burnaby would be okay but it breaks the neatly lined up numbers you've presented. In the past there have been ridings such as Burnaby-Seymour which had a chunk of North Van pasted onto Burnaby but it's not ideal because the voters are so different.
I'd rather see Vancouver just get its 6 whole seats, and deal with the North Shore and Richmond in other ways. But I'm sure there will definitely be contentious combinations no matter what.
Possible North Shore/Sunshine Coast solution: split the area across three seats, with variances ranging from -15% to -10%. Over the life of the representation order, population growth will fix the negative variances to some degree.
Right, I think what Wilf was getting at though, is proposing that the sum total of Richmond (1.82), Vancouver (6.09) and North Shore/Sunshine Coast (2.6), which adds up to 10.5, only gets 10 seats and not 11. We can't change the total number of seats in the province. So giving 3 seats to NS/SC would deprive somewhere else of representation.
Yes, Burnaby-Seymour was there in 1968 to 1979, and North Vancouver-Burnaby was there from 1976 to 1987. Okay, that's much better. Here's what I get.
The belt from Coast Garibaldi (everything up to Powell River), the North Shore and Burnaby-New Westminster all the way to Maple Ridge now has 6.7 ridings, which become 8:
Coast Garibaldi-West Vancouver 1.05
North Vancouver-West Vancouver 1.07
Burnaby-North Vancouver 1.07
Burnaby Centre 1.07
New Westminster-Burnaby 1.07
Coquitlam--Port Moody 1.03
Coquitlam--Port Coquitlam 1.03
Maple Ridge-Pitt Meadows-Mission West (the west 30% of Mission) 1.00
Chilliwack - Fraser Cascade (0.97) loses Lillooet etc., but is otherwise the same.
The Delta-Surrey-Langley-Abbotsford-Mission belt gets 8 seats, also up from 6.7 (due to Delta - Richmond East being 40% in Delta and Mission being 30% of Maple Ridge). Something like this:
Abbotsford East--Mission 1.02
Abbotsford West--Langley 1.03
Langley--Cloverdale 1.03
South Surrey-White Rock 1.03
Newton 1.03
Fleetwood - Port Kells 1.03
Surrey North 1.03
Delta--South Westminster 1.03
Finally, Vancouver--Richmond gets 8 seats, up from 6.6. It deserves only 7.916, close enough. That's either 6 for Vancouver and 2 for Richmond, which deserves only 1.825, or maybe we add 10,000 people from South Vancouver into Richmond North to make it fairer.
I have still kept all ridings within 10% of the quotient (average population), except Kootenay--Columbia. So two Richmond ridings each with 91% of quotient would be acceptable, although pushing it. Most critics of over-representation and under-representation want to stay within 10%, and in the last round most Commissions managed to do so in the great majority of ridings. (Those purists who think we can stay within 5% should try it sometime, while keeping some cohesion with community boundaries. Forget it.)
So, BC babblers, what do you think?
Thanks again for crunching numbers! But you did edit out the part of my quote where I said: In the past there have been ridings such as Burnaby-Seymour which had a chunk of North Van pasted onto Burnaby but it's not ideal because the voters are so different.
Burnaby has lately been an NDP stronghold (look at their municipal politics too), although it's been a fierce Conservative-NDP two-way race. A Burnaby-North Van riding would in today's political environment be very unsettling to Burnaby NDP voters. Recall that when Tommy Douglas couldn't get elected in Saskatchewan he came to Burnaby-Coquitlam from 1962-1968. Then the riding was redistributed and he tried running in Burnaby-Seymour; the Liberal smacked him down in a close race. In 1972 the NDP won but it was also a squeaker. In 1974 it went back to the Liberals and became a Liberal-PC race. I think today any North Van-Burnaby combo would go blue.
Regarding Richmond-Vancouver - is there no way to continue to bundle Richmond in with some slice of Delta rather than with Vancouver?
Regarding Richmond-Vancouver - is there no way to continue to bundle Richmond in with some slice of Delta rather than with Vancouver?
Sure. Delta has three communities: Ladner (29,000?), Tsawassen (21,000?), and North Delta (51,000?). We could add Ladner to Richmond, making 2.09 quotients: two ridings with 1.045 each. Fine by me.
But I tried to avoid splitting smaller municipalities. Most of them in the Lower Mainland are larger than one riding, except five:
Delta 0.926
Maple Ridge/Pitt Meadows (which share a school board) 0.882
New Westminster 0.621
West Vancouver (including Bowen Island and Lions Bay) 0.484
Mission 0.398
I had no choice with West Van. Squamish-Lillooet, Sunshine Coast and Powell River have 0.802 between them. I have to add in part of West Van.
Coquitlam/Port Coquitlam/Port Moody etc. have 2.058, perfect for two ridings. That leaves Maple Ridge/Pitt Meadows needing some of Mission, like today’s ridings which already split Mission, so I did that.
But I’d rather not split Delta, or Maple Ridge/Pitt Meadows, or New Westminster, without a good reason.
Richmond was, in 2006, 44% Chinese and only 8% South Asian. Like Vancouver which was 29% Chinese and only 6% South Asian. Delta, however, was 15% South Asian and only 6% Chinese. More like Surrey which was 27% South Asian and only 5% Chinese.
Do Delta’s Chinese-origin population live mostly in Ladner, while the South Asians live mostly in North Delta? Is this a good reason for splitting Delta and putting Ladner with Richmond? Leaving Tsawassen with North Delta, although they barely even touch?
Burnaby has lately been an NDP stronghold (look at their municipal politics too), although it's been a fierce Conservative-NDP two-way race. A Burnaby-North Van riding would in today's political environment be very unsettling to Burnaby NDP voters. Recall that when Tommy Douglas couldn't get elected in Saskatchewan he came to Burnaby-Coquitlam from 1962-1968. Then the riding was redistributed and he tried running in Burnaby-Seymour; the Liberal smacked him down in a close race. In 1972 the NDP won but it was also a squeaker. In 1974 it went back to the Liberals and became a Liberal-PC race. I think today any North Van-Burnaby combo would go blue.
I know the problem. But over the years, when the North Shore has had a fraction of a riding, the only solution has been Burnaby. The other option is the Lions Gate Bridge riding which you said was even worse. Do you have another solution? Giving 283,292 people three whole ridings is just not an option in my mind, average 13.5% below quotient.
(Oops, double post.)
Regarding Richmond-Vancouver - is there no way to continue to bundle Richmond in with some slice of Delta rather than with Vancouver?
Sure. Delta has three communities: Ladner (29,000?), Tsawassen (21,000?), and North Delta (51,000?). We could add Ladner to Richmond, making 2.09 quotients: two ridings with 1.045 each. Fine by me.
But I tried to avoid splitting smaller municipalities.
Do Delta’s Chinese-origin population live mostly in Ladner, while the South Asians live mostly in North Delta? Is this a good reason for splitting Delta and putting Ladner with Richmond? Leaving Tsawassen with North Delta, although they barely even touch?
I will admit I wasn't thinking specifically along ethnic lines and I don't know what the distributions are. But in terms of geography, North Delta tends to be attached to services in Surrey, and South Delta (Ladner & Tsawwassen) tends to be attached to services in Richmond. For example at the info line I work for, when someone calls from Delta for social assistance, we explain to the caller that there is no office in Delta, but clients in North Delta can go to the Surrey office and clients in South Delta can go to the Richmond office. The caller is typically okay with this. So for a Delta resident, being lumped together with either Surrey or Richmond is just, well, the suburb next door, or the suburb they pass through when commuting into the city. There are more transit connections between Surrey-North Delta and Richmond-South Delta than there are between the two halves of Delta. But for a Vancouver resident, being joined with Richmond seems unusual.
Mind you, geographically it would be odd to excise Ladner without taking Tsawwassen along for the ride too, but that would take us over quotient. Perhaps some sort of Richmond West-South Delta riding that adds up to one quotient, then a Richmond East riding for the remainder of the city. North Delta can continue to be grouped with Newton or whatever makes sense.
I know the problem. But over the years, when the North Shore has had a fraction of a riding, the only solution has been Burnaby. The other option is the Lions Gate Bridge riding which you said was even worse. Do you have another solution? Giving 283,292 people three whole ridings is just not an option in my mind, average 13.5% below quotient.
Okay, so if Squamish-Lillooet, Sunshine Coast and Powell River have 0.802 between them, and West Van/Bowen/Lions is 0.484, and the total of the existing North Shore ridings adds up to 2.6, then there's about 1.314 left for North Vancouver right?
So is there any way we can do:
- 1 quotient's worth of North Vancouver
- The rest of North Vancouver, plus West Van/Bowen/Lions, plus *some additional fraction* of the existing West Van - Sunshine Coast - Sea to Sky riding adding up to a full quotient
- The remaining .6 or so, pushed out to other ridings not in the Lower Mainland? The far-flung areas in WV-SC-StS don't really need to stay attached to West Van. I remember at the federal NDP convention I was an usher and someone indicated they were a delegate from WV-SC-StS, so I said, I haven't seen anyone from that riding but I can show you some tables with other ridings in Greater Vancouver. She took great offense, being from the Sunshine Coast, that I would lump her in with the Vancouver area.
We're talking about Powell River 20,379, and Sunshine Coast 30,244, together making 0.46 of a quotient, and leaving the North Shore and Squamish with 2.17, making two ridings with 1.085 each. Solves your problem, except: where do Powell River--Sunshine Coast go? Not with Vancouver Island; it's perfect with seven ridings for 7.01 quotients, and doesn't really want to become seven ridings each with about 1.07 quotients, very hard to shuffle. Powell River--Sunshine Coast are under the Vancouver Coastal Health Authority, in the North Shore/Coast Garibaldi Health Delivery Area. Powell River maybe has ties across the water with Comox-Courtenay (or even Nanaimo?), but Sunshine Coast doesn't. Gibson's and Sechelt are right across from Nanaimo, but have no ferry to it. But nowhere in Powell River--Sunshine Coast is there even a road back inland. Where do they go?
Richmond plus South Delta have 249,000 people, 2.28 quotients. I don't want two ridings 14% over quotient. Vancouver has 6.09 quotients, so we could shift some Richmond residents into Vancouver South. But that's what you didn't want to do. So what's your solution?
Richmond has 199,141 people. You can give them two full ridings, each 9% under quotient, and I'll buy that, since it leaves Delta intact. But I see your point that Delta needs to be split. So how shall we do it?
Hmm. It's a puzzling quandary. In theory, if the island wasn't so perfect, I'd suggest adding it to VI north, subtracting some of the island part of the riding, and renaming the riding to something like Coast-North Island.
Obviously there is no perfect solution and the boundary commission will have to come up with something. I wouldn't be surprised if a Burnaby-NV riding is the one they come up with, since it has existed before and it survived previous commissions.
It's not unheard of for a riding to reach across the water for part of a city centre and otherwise include mostly the other side. There is a provincial riding that is mainly West Kelowna but reaches across the water to carve out a small chunk of the Kelowna city centre. So I suppose if we did a West Richmond-Ladner riding it would result in a strange shape for the riding that represents the rest of Delta (and it would mean Tsawwassen gets grouped in with a sliver of Surrey?) but it would still be a way to avoid a Richmond-Vancouver riding. I don't think a Richmond-Van riding has ever been done (but correct me if I'm wrong).
I don't think a Vancouver South/Richmond riding would be all that strange, considering the linkages between the two. South Vancouver really is lower density and has more of a suburban development pattern than the northern half of Vancouver and demographically it's somewhat similar with the southern half of Vancouver being more Chinese and South Asian than the average throughout the entire city (thus somewhat closer to the demographics of Richmond). Plus, you have the Canada line linking Vancouver to Richmond and Richmond becoming higher density with more services and draws than it used to have, so it's not ideal but it could potentially work.
As for the whole North Shore, Sunshine Coast and Sea to Sky quandary. Well I don't know about the Sunshine Coast and Sea to Sky and how practical it would be to detach them from West Vancouver then attach them to something in the interior (say up to 100 Mile House in the south western Cariboo/Thompson area or something.... though I'd imagine they have similar economic and ethnic demographics), but I would think West Vancouver could go with the eastern half of North Vancouver then the rest of North Vancouver could be attached to the Anmore, Belcarra, Westwood Plateau area. Yes, I know there are no bridges there so they're a bit geographically isolated, but I'd suspect they have similar demographics (ethnically and economically) and voting patterns and in any case it seems to make more sense than putting Squamish, the Sunshine Coast and Powell River in the same riding as West Vancouver. I don't think it would look particularly gerrymandered on a map.
As for the whole North Shore, Sunshine Coast and Sea to Sky quandary. Well I don't know about the Sunshine Coast and Sea to Sky and how practical it would be to detach them from West Vancouver then attach them to something in the interior (say up to 100 Mile House in the south western Cariboo/Thompson area or something.... though I'd imagine they have similar economic and ethnic demographics).
Interesting idea. The Squamish-Lillooet--Sunshine Coast--Powell River area has (including Lillooet) 92,041 people. If we add Ashcroft and Cache Creek (South Cariboo Local Health Area, 7,405 people) and the 100 Mile House area (14,793) that’s 1.047 quotients.
That means taking the Squamish-Lillooet--Sunshine Coast--Powell River area out of the Lower Mainland and into the Interior. Maybe it never belonged in the Lower Mainland, although it was part of a Lower Mainland federal riding. But now the Interior and North has 10.291 quotients. Keeping Skeena and Kootenay--Columbia unchanged gives that region a bonus of 0.243, so it rates 10.534 ridings. Growth in Kelowna and Kamloops meant, I thought, giving the Interior another riding on top of the 6 it has today. Adding a Squamish-Cariboo riding makes 8, plus the North’s 3, 11.
But I said keeping Skeena and Kootenay—Columbia unchanged was harmless, since it hurt no other region.
Look what we’ve done to the Lower Mainland. After losing the Squamish-Lillooet--Sunshine Coast--Powell River area, it has 24.694 quotients, but gets only 24 ridings, each an average of 2.9% over quotient.
I can live with that if you can. Can you?
Sorry, I'd rather give the North Shore two whole ridings. They will each be 10.3% below quotient, a little odd, but acceptable. Then Burnaby-New West-Maple Ridge-Mission has 6.073: six ridings 1.2% above quotient. North Delta–Surrey-Langley-Abbotsford has 7.518: seven ridings 7.4% above quotient, plus Chilliwack - Fraser Cascade makes 8. Vancouver-Richmond-South Delta has 8.342 quotients: eight ridings an average of 4.3% above quotient. Fine.
This means the Lower Mainland (not including Squamish-Lillooet--Sunshine Coast--Powell River) now has 20.44 MPs, not the 21 we commonly think. It will now have 24, an increase of 3.56. The Interior now has 6.56, and will have 8, an increase of 1.44. Is this okay?
Can you tell if South Shore-St. Margaret's falls into the + or -10% category, and won't see it's boundaries changed, or would it be picking up more of Halifax West, as it did in 2004?
If the North Shore gets two full ridings, is the population of Squamish, Whistler, Powell River , Sunshine Coat etc large enough to justify a separate riding?
Most of these places vote NDP so if an additional riding can be squeezed out here it may be a very good one for us. Of course this may be at a cost of underweighting the two North Shore ridings but we are unlikely to win there anyway. There used to be a riding called Coast Chilcotin which combined the coast with some of the Cariboo. We won it on occasion in the 70s.
Incidentally, thanks Wilf for the impressive work you have been doing on redistribution prospects.
This will get interesting as the official redistribution process proceeds. The Conservatives can be expected to take a page from their Republican cousins and do everything they can to influence the process.
On that point, can someone outline just how appointments are made to th Redistribution Commissions and how much scope the government may have to stack them with partisans?
Wilf, that sounds eminently reasonable to me. Thanks for looking at these things to such a detailed degree.
The only quibble I have is the North Shore issue, as I think that having two urban ridings under 10% of quotient would be problematic, if they won't quickly experience enough growth to negate this issue. I don't think there's an expectation that growth on the North Shore will be above the regional average thus negating this issue. Though it may be above the provincial average, outside of Greater Vancouver.
Anyways, the last provincial BC redistribution did create the downtown Vancouver riding of Vancouver False-Creek, which was significantly under the quotient. But this riding was created because it was assumed there would be above average growth there, which would negate the quotient discrepancy soon enough.
I'm not sure this is the case for the North Shore, so I'd have to advocate for attaching something to it. Heck, even attaching Coal Harbour which is very high income, but not in the West End would be okay with me, assuming the population is high enough. So we'd have something like West Vancouver-Seymour-Coal Harbour and North Vancouver. The former riding would be a little awkward, but not too awkward.
Wilf, have you done Manitoba yet? Are things looking better in Winnipeg North? Man, I hate not having a real working man's representative here. All we have right now is a conservative leaning blue Lib, in faux red Lib clothing.
It's obvious that the redistribution will create at least one controversial riding in BC that mashes together an odd combination of neighbourhoods. But I think that any Vancouver-North Shore combination would raise a particularly loud outcry at the consultation meetings.
That's why I'd limit it to Coal Harbour and keep the West End south of Georgia Street (or Robson) and west of the border of Stanley Park out of such a riding. Coal Harbour, while geographically close to the West End is very distinct from it and I'd argue that demographically it has more in common with the north shore, at least economically, if not in the sense of urban form.
Agreed.
And Coast-Chilcotin just doesn't work, sorry. It just doesn't leave enough population in the Interior. They now have too many people for six ridings (plus three in the North), but without those Cariboo people they don't have enough for seven either. Stuck on the fence.
So here's my prediction of what the Commission is likely to do.
Back to Plan A: Coast-North Shore-Burnaby-New West-Maple Ridge gets 8 ridings (now 6.7). Vancouver-Richmond-South Delta gets 8 (now 7). Surrey/White Rock/North Delta gets 5 (now 4). Langley-Abbotsford-Mission gets 3 (now 2.3). Chilliwack - Fraser Cascade is still one riding, shaving off the 14% of it that was outside the Lower Mainland. That brings the Lower Mainland up to 25 seats from 21, four new ones.
Details, with quotients based on BC Stats 2011 estimates (109,145):
Coast Garibaldi-West Vancouver 1.068
North Vancouver--West Vancouver 1.067
Burnaby--North Vancouver 1.067 (57% of it is in Burnaby)
Burnaby Centre 1.065
New Westminster--Burnaby 1.066
Coquitlam--Port Moody 0.98
Coquitlam Centre - Port Coquitlam 0.982
Maple Ridge-Pitt Meadows-Port Coquitlam 0.978 (taking about 10,500 from Port Coquitlam.)
Vancouver: five ridings @ 1.040
Vancouver South - Richmond North 1.040 (taking about 16,500 from Richmond)
Richmond West 1.05
Richmond East--South Delta 1.049
Newton--North Delta 1.00
Surrey/White Rock: four more ridings @ 1.00
Langley 0.976
Abbotsford West--Aldergrove 0.971
Abbotsford East--Mission 0.971
Chilliwack - Fraser Cascade 0.967
The Interior gains a seat due to growth in Kelowna and Kamloops:
Skeena - Bulkley Valley 0.938 (unchanged)
Peace River--Prince George 0.999 (unchanged except tweak the splitting of Prince George)
Prince George--Cariboo 0.999 (unchanged)
Kamloops 0.949 (City, First Nation, Areas J & P)
Shuswap-Thompson-Cariboo 0.984 (includes Merrit, Lillooet, Enderby, Armstrong, Spallumcheen)
Okanagan North--Lake Country--North Kelowna 0.939
Kelowna 0.977 (all of Kelowna City but 15,000 people)
Okanagan South-Central 1.003
Southern Interior 0.909 (unchanged except loses Princeton and Keremeos to Okanagan South-Central)
Kootenay-Columbia 0.819 (unchanged).
And Vancouver Island gets a new riding:
Vancouver Island North 1.026 (unchanged except loses 10,365 people to Nanaimo-Alberni)
Nanaimo--Alberni--Cumberland 0.976 (includes north 20% of Nanaimo City)
Nanaimo--Ladysmith 0.976
Cowichan--Langford 1.007 (includes 45,000 people from Capital District)
Capital District (rest): 3 ridings @ 1.01
If you need 57% of a riding opposite the North Shore, 57% of Vancouver Centre is a lot bigger than you are talking about.
I was thinking more along the lines of a scenario you had mentioned a few posts up, where you had two ridings purely on the North Shore, with about 10% below the required quotient. So, in such a scenario if you added lets say 10K people from Vancouver Centre (I'm not sure what exactly the population of the Coal Harbour area from Geogria Street north, west to Granville street would be - but assuming there's at least 10K people there) then you could get the two ridings on the north shore a bit further above the 10% below quotient mark...more like 6-7% below quotient, which is more acceptable. Of course that would have a cascading effect on various other ridings in the province though. I think it's more acceptable than combing lower-middle class/working class Burnaby and upper-middle class North Vancouver.
http://www.elections.ca/content.aspx?section=res&dir=cir/red/rolecom&doc...
This is why Denise Savoie was wasting her time running for Speaker. No way would the Conservatives put this power in her hands.
We can hope that most of the Commissions will include one academic or other expert who was on the last Commission ten years ago, plus one new member who will be a Conservative partisan. Otherwise the judge is pure window-dressing. Wait and see.
I was thinking more along the lines of a scenario you had mentioned a few posts up, where you had two ridings purely on the North Shore, with about 10% below the required quotient.
Yes. But as I noted above, that idea simply isn't feasible. I tried.
Considering how polarized BC can be neighbourhood-to-neighbourhood... any partisan attempts to rig ridings in favour of Conservatives would probably also help the NDP at the expense of Liberals and Greens.
I would guess that, if anything, the first BC MP whose blood they'd be out to get is Elizabeth May. Even if Saanich-Gulf Islands has no particular reason to be realigned, a vengeful boundary commission could dismember her riding.
http://www.elections.ca/content.aspx?section=res&dir=cir/red/rolecom&doc...
This is why Denise Savoie was wasting her time running for Speaker. No way would the Conservatives put this power in her hands.
We can hope that most of the Commissions will include one academic or other expert who was on the last Commission ten years ago, plus one new member who will be a Conservative partisan. Otherwise the judge is pure window-dressing. Wait and see.
Knowing how Harper and the Conservatives take advantage of every strategic advantage they have, redistribution will most likely favour the Conservatives.
With the Conservatives in the drivers seat, is there any chance of rectifying the unfair distribution of seats in Saskatchewan?
With the Conservatives in the drivers seat, is there any chance of rectifying the unfair distribution of seats in Saskatchewan?
The 2003 Commission included a Saskatoon political science professor David Smith, and a Regina lawyer William Johnson who sounds respectable. Frederick William Johnson (his father, I think) was a Liberal candidate in 1960 and 1962, and ended up as Lieutenant Governor.
They first proposed six urban and eight rural seats, stating "The Commission is satisfied that despite the economic links between rural and urban populations, they nevertheless have differing communities of interest that must be addressed."
But then “the proposed urban and rural electoral districts were overwhelmingly rejected in the submissions made to the Commission. In light of that criticism the Commission reconsidered its Proposals and returned essentially to the existing electoral districts. . . . Saskatoon’s three new seats did not include the fast-growing suburban communities that are near it. . . . Rural depopulation is accommodated in mixed electoral districts as the population shifts to one of the two cities. According to one submission: "Saskatchewan may be unique in Canada in that our rural agricultural economy has more of an effect on our urban centres than it does in any other area." Thus, unlike many other provinces, Saskatchewan does not yet have large urban centres with voters whose interests are markedly different from those in rural areas.”
Did the people who liked the six urban seats fail to show up to say so? “The Commission has concerns that the submissions heard by it may not be representative of the residents of Saskatchewan as a whole because voters in agreement with a proposal tend not to make representations supporting it. However, the Commission is of the view that the hearing process mandated by the legislation should be respected and that its decision should not be inconsistent with the submissions that it heard.” If the coming Commission proposes something you like, show up and say so.
What will the new Commission do?
The problem is, no one publishes useful estimates of 2011 populations of Saskatchewan regions. But I did find something: the “Covered Population Report,” persons covered by health insurance, by health region, in 2011. I was suspicious at first, but all the other figures I looked at supported using the “covered population” figures:
http://population.health.gov.sk.ca/
I looked first at the Regional Health Authorities (RHAs), and also at the School Divisions (SDs) which are often similar to the RHAs.
Regina could easily be three seats. The area of the Regina Qu’Appelle RHA has about 3.4 quotients, but the Regina Census Metropolitan Area (CMA) has only 2.84 quotients. (Unfortunately for Moose Jaw, adding it in would make 3.3 quotients, sorry.) Four of the 11 school trustees in Prairie Valley SD, which surrounds Regina, come from the CMA. (On the other hand, three of them are from further east than today’s Regina - Qu'Appelle riding.) The RHA includes the same area as the Prairie Valley SD, and also includes Moosomin from Sun Country SD and Punnichy, Raymore, Holdfast and Imperial from Horizon SD.
So the CMA (about 221,000) plus the Qu’Appelle, McLean, Vibank and Sedley area (3,666 in 2006), Southey and Cuper area (3,654), and Milestone area (2,409) makes about 231,500, 2.99 quotients, three ridings as close to quotient as one can get.
Saskatoon may well be either three or four urban ridings. The city itself, with 220,000 people, is about only 2.84 quotients. The parts of Corman Park now included in the provincial ridings of Saskatoon Southeast and Saskatoon Northwest would likely bring it up to three seats.
However, the CMA population is about 272,000, 3.5 quotients.
The Saskatoon RHA has about 4.1. So the Saskatoon region has four seats one way or the other. With only three urban seats, you would then have a fourth seat surrounding Saskatoon like a doughnut. That was one reason for the last Commission’s four pie slices, even more true today. Is it realistic for Saskatoon’s seats to exclude Martensville, Warman, Osler, Dalmeny, Hepburn, Langham, Borden, Asquith, Eagle Creek, Perdue, Montrose, Vanscoy, Delisle, Dundurn, Hanley, Clavet, Lost River, Allan, Colonsay, Vonda and Aberdeen? These add (in 2006 populations) another 7,600 on top of the CMA’s 272,000. We’re up to 3.62 quotients. To get to 4.1 (the whole RHA) add Rosthern, Duck Lake, Blaine Lake, Leask, Humboldt, Lanigan, Wynyard and Watrous.
What about the rest of southern Saskatchewan? Last time the Commission tried three ridings along the American border, including a Moose Jaw riding which ran as far north as Saskatoon. Today, a combination of Five Hills RHA (Moose Jaw), Cypress (Swift Current) and Heartland (Kindersley/Rosetown) still makes less than two quotients (about 1.8), even worse.
But Five Hills RHA plus Sun Country (Estevan) plus the left over bits of Regina Qu’Appelle RHA makes 1.92 quotients. Add a few border adjustments like Strasbourg, Bulyea, Nokomis, Ituna, Neudorf, etc. (4,145 people in 2006) makes 1.98 quotients.
So we have a Five Hills—Last Mountain riding centred on Moose Jaw that takes in Assiniboia and Gravelbourg, plus the area up to Strasbourg and Raymore (14,000) and the area down around to Radville (5,000), 0.96 quotients. Then Souris - Moose Mountain has only minor adjustments.
Then Cypress Hills – Grasslands is not much changed: Cypress RHA plus the Sun West School Division has 75,577 people, 0.99 quotient. That’s 75% of Heartland RHA, including Kindersley, Rosetown and Biggar.
Battlefords—Lloydminster is not much different than today: the other 25% of Heartland RHA (Unity, Wilkie, Kerrobert, Macklin, Luseland, Major, Cando, etc., about 12,000 people) goes with most of Prairie North RHA (North Battleford & Lloydminster), which will include Maymont and Hafford (now in Saskatoon –Wanuskewin). This leaves about 13,000 people around Meadow Lake to join Desnethé - Missinippi - Churchill River as they do today.
Desnethé - Missinippi - Churchill River then is largely unchanged: it includes the northern slice of Prince Albert Parkland RHA and the northern slice of Kelsey Trail RHA.
Finally, Yorkton-Melville has only minor adjustments from today.
Does anyone from Saskatchewan want to comment on the most reasonable way to deal with Saskatoon, or anything else?
I hope that Sask NDP'ers show up in large numbers and help create 7 urban ridings for Regina and Saskatoon. This change could make a huge difference in the next election. It could be the difference between an NDP government or another Conservative government.
I didn't mean to give the impression that the NDP could win Saskatoon-Doughnut. As you can see here, the NDP carried only about six polls in that hypothetical riding.
http://www.the506.com/elxnmaps/can2011/
No, the NDP probably wants Saskatoon to be three pure-urban and one doughnut. But is there any objective case for this?
Would anyone have the means and know-how to transplant the 2011 SK federal results onto the urban/rural riding proposal that was originally suggested in 2003 instead of what resulted from the commission? I am curious if any ridings would flip non-Con under those conditions.
Also I nominate Nettie Wiebe to lead the charge against SK gerrymandering. Not that I have any connection to SK whatsoever, but I have seen her speak and she's wonderful.
Here's the 2003 map first proposed by the Commission:
http://www.elections.ca/scripts/fedrep/sask/sask_map_e.htm
And here's the poll-by-poll map again:
http://www.the506.com/elxnmaps/can2011/
Judge for yourself. It seems evident that the NDP would have won Saskatoon Meewasin, Saskatoon Idylwyld, and Regina Qu'Appelle, while Saskatoon Broadway, Regina Pasqua, and Regina Wascana would have been close.
By the way, it WASN'T gerrymandering. As noted above, the Commission tried to do a good job. The public submissions were almost all in the other direction.
Point taken re: "gerrymandering" - although that's the word Brian Topp used FWIW. Interesting though to compare the state of affairs from the 2000 election though. In 2003 it was perhaps easier to believe that urban-rural ridings would still allow for a diversity of political representation, as the results had produced 2 Liberals and 2 NDP among a sea of Alliance. But the 2004 election proved otherwise. I wonder if in today's environment, the Commission would have to look at those maps and reconsider their choice.
Or more precisely, be more supportive of their choice, which they backed down on in the face of massive opposition.
We may find out. Depending on the make-up and inclinations of this year's Commission.
We now have the census data:
http://www12.statcan.ca/census-recensement/index-eng.cfm
Canada 33,476,688
Newfoundland and Labrador 514,536
Prince Edward Island 140,204
Nova Scotia 921,727
New Brunswick 751,171
Quebec 7,903,001
Ontario 12,851,821
Manitoba 1,208,268
Saskatchewan 1,033,381
Alberta 3,645,257
British Columbia 4,400,057
Yukon 33,897
Northwest Territories 41,462
Nunavut 31,906
Ontario Ridings with more than 130,000 people, in order from largest to smallest, from 2011 Census Data.
228,997 Oak Ridges - Markham
204,146 Brampton West
203,437 Halton
196,068 Vaughan
192,020 Bramalea-Gore-Malton
160,663 Mississauga-Erindale
159,032 Nepean-Carleton
149,769 Carleton-Mississippi Mills
149,130 Brampton-Springdale
147,096 Mississauga-Brampton South
146,307 Whitby-Oshawa
140,456 Willowdale
140,265 Thornhill
139,039 Mississauga East-Cooksville
137,102 Brant
136,082 Cambridge
135,711 Barrie
135,102 Scarborough-Rouge River
134,530 Simcoe-Grey
133,181 Newmarket-Aurora
132,637 Mississauga-Streetsville
130,937 Kitchener-Conestoga
130,323 Toronto Centre
130,162 Kitchener -Waterloo
By comparison, Egmont in PEI has 34.598. IE. In the last election, Egmont votes were worth 6.6 times more than those in OR-M.
What will the average population of an Ontario riding be for 2015?
Do these figures allow you to estimate where the new ridings will be located?
The electoral quotient being used for this re-distribution is 111,166. The first obvious conclusion is that Oak Ridges—Markham is going to get split across at least two new ridings: it's got more than two quotients' worth of population.
Well, the present form of OR-M is so awkward--i.e. filling all the weird spaces in York Region that other seats weren't able to claim--that it was inevitable it'd be a "one-distribution wonder" sort of seat...
What will the average population of an Ontario riding be for 2015?
Do these figures allow you to estimate where the new ridings will be located?
See post #31 above. The census figures are slightly different, but the new seats are still as I projected based on the Ontario estimated populations. I'll update my details tomorrow, but it all still works.
One very surprising thing is how many north-western Ontario reserves that were enumerated in 2006 did not co-operate this time; rising militancy, I assume:
Pikangikum #14 had 2,100 residents in 2006.
Fort Hope #64 had 1,144 residents in 2006.
Weagamow Lake #87 had 700 residents in 2006.
Poplar Hill had 457 residents in 2006.
Sachigo Lake #1 had 450 residents in 2006.
Webequie had 614 residents in 2006.
Wunnumin 1 had 487 residents in 2006.
Neskantaga had 265 residents in 2006.
Bearskin Lake had 459 residents in 2006.
Kasabonika Lake had 681 residents in 2006.
Kingfisher Lake #1 had 415 residents in 2006.
Wawakapewin (Long Dog Lake) had 21 residents in 2006.
Summer Beaver is not a reserve but did not get enumerated this time; it had 362 residents in 2006.
That's 8,155 people (based on 2006 figures) who will not be considered when the northwestern Ontario boundaries are set. Luckily Kenora was already treated as so exceptional that it may not matter.
But the census says Kenora has 55,977 people, down from 64,291 in 2006. That's why. In 2002 the last Boundaries Commission made them an exceptional riding, more than 25% below the normal population for a riding, because of their remote and heavily aboriginal population. What will this year's Commission do?
And why were they not enumerated?
Ontario Ridings with more than 130,000 people, in order from largest to smallest, from 2011 Census Data.
228,997 Oak Ridges - Markham
204,146 Brampton West
203,437 Halton
196,068 Vaughan
192,020 Bramalea-Gore-Malton
160,663 Mississauga-Erindale
159,032 Nepean-Carleton
149,769 Carleton-Mississippi Mills
149,130 Brampton-Springdale
147,096 Mississauga-Brampton South
146,307 Whitby-Oshawa
140,456 Willowdale
140,265 Thornhill
139,039 Mississauga East-Cooksville
137,102 Brant
136,082 Cambridge
135,711 Barrie
135,102 Scarborough-Rouge River
134,530 Simcoe-Grey
133,181 Newmarket-Aurora
132,637 Mississauga-Streetsville
130,937 Kitchener-Conestoga
130,323 Toronto Centre
130,162 Kitchener -Waterloo
By comparison, Egmont in PEI has 34.598. IE. In the last election, Egmont votes were worth 6.6 times more than those in OR-M.
You forgot my riding! the largest, over quota in Toronto... Trinity-Spadina which has 144,733. This leads me to think that a new riding DT might be needed. create 4 ridings out of Trinity, Toronto Centre and St. Pauls all are over quote... and some polls will also need to be moved into Parkdale-High Park and Daveport who are both under quota
You forgot my riding! the largest, over quota in Toronto... Trinity-Spadina which has 144,733. This leads me to think that a new riding DT might be needed. create 4 ridings out of Trinity, Toronto Centre and St. Pauls all are over quote... and some polls will also need to be moved into Parkdale-High Park and Daveport who are both under quota
Toronto will, in my opinion, have 24 ridings in the next election, compared to the 22.4 it has today. Since each will have an average of 108,961 people, we are looking at a whole new map, although a few ridings may not change, like Toronto-Danforth and Beaches--East York. Even Etobicoke, which rates 3.2 ridings, is likely to be redrawn.
The provincial quotient for Ontario will actually be smaller than for the last census (around 106k). That means Northern Ontario should be fine, as it only lost 0.8% in the last 10 years.
The 338 seat H of C in 2015 will favour the Conservatives even more than the 308 seat H of C did in 2011:
Census data fuels dreams of perpetual Conservative majorities
But, first and foremost, the census numbers released this week show the potential for the consolidation of power by Stephen Harper’s Conservatives for years to come.
There are 30 more seats being added to the House of Commons in time for the 2015 campaign, a move that acknowledges the population growth in British Columbia, Alberta and Ontario.
Seats are also to be added in Quebec to maintain that province’s historical percentage.
Ontario gets 15 more seats, B.C. and Alberta six each and Quebec three.
In Ontario, these new seats will inevitably be added in the 905 belt, a nod to the growth of communities such as Milton, Markham, Brampton and Vaughan.
Milton is again the fastest-growing city in Canada. Oak Ridges-Markham is the largest riding in the country.
All those towns are reliably Conservative.
Conversely, the slowest rates of growth in this province — or outright declines — are found in northern or rust belt cities such as Thunder Bay, Sudbury and Windsor.
All are NDP strongholds.
Of the 15 ridings in Ontario with the largest populations, 14 are represented by the Conservatives.
In Alberta, all six of the fastest-growing ridings are held by Conservatives and two-thirds of the fastest growing British Columbia ridings vote Conservative.
The Conservatives 11 seat phony FPTP majority would be more like a 20 seat phony FPTP majority had we used revised boundaries in 2011. In 2015 the Conservatives might be able to get a phony FPTP majority with just 35% of the vote. In 2015, the NDP, Liberals, BQ, and Greens might once again run on similar platforms, represent almost 2/3rds of the voters but remain on the powerless side of the H of C.
Not so cut-and-dried as that, if we take the "potential" illuminated by a Bramalea-Gore-Malton into account.
Bramalea-Gore-Malton is indeed an interesting example.
Also, a lot of those Ontario blue ridings are pretty fickle. Even though a whopping 73 federal seats went Conservative in May, Hudak only managed to reap 37 of them provincially. A bunch of them went to McGuinty's Liberals instead.
Just think about it - being more appealing than Dalton McGuinty is not a very high bar to have to reach to turn some of those votes away from team blue.
The provincial quotient for Ontario will actually be smaller than for the last census (around 106k). That means Northern Ontario should be fine, as it only lost 0.8% in the last 10 years.
That's significantly below the average growth rate in Ontario, though. Unless the Commission invokes the special cases rule, Northern Ontario could still scrunch southward by half a seat to a seat.
Correct. Kenora is a special case, but not the whole region.
The population of Northern Ontario north of the French River is now 733,016, or about 741,901 with the uncounted reserves. That region currently has 9 electoral districts, with an average of 82,433 residents. If the current number of electoral districts were retained, their average population would be 22.4% below the provincial quotient, close to the maximum variance of 25 per cent, significant overrepresentation in this area. Kenora has been accepted as exceptional, but not the other districts. It is hard to see why an urban district like Greater Sudbury should be treated differently than southern Ontario. However, when Ontario is getting 15 new electoral districts, a reduction in representation for Northern Ontario will appear shocking. And the present Algoma - Manitoulin - Kapuskasing is already a geographic monster.
The solution is to follow the Ontario Government's definition of Northern Ontario, and include Parry Sound District but not Muskoka. This brings the population of Northern Ontario to 784,063 (with the uncounted reserves), 7.38 electoral quotients, or 9 electoral districts with an average population of 87,118, 18% below the provincial quotient. These can be accommodated without undue special treatment.
The Boundaries Commission Members have been named:
http://www.parl.gc.ca/About/House/Speaker/FEBC-CDCF-bio-e.html
Saskatchewan: John Courtney, David Marit
British Columbia: J. Peter Meekison, Stewart Ladyman
And all the others. Any problems leap out?
Correct. Kenora is a special case, but not the whole region.
The population of Northern Ontario north of the French River is now 733,016, or about 741,901 with the uncounted reserves. That region currently has 9 electoral districts, with an average of 82,433 residents. If the current number of electoral districts were retained, their average population would be 22.4% below the provincial quotient, close to the maximum variance of 25 per cent, significant overrepresentation in this area. Kenora has been accepted as exceptional, but not the other districts. It is hard to see why an urban district like Greater Sudbury should be treated differently than southern Ontario. However, when Ontario is getting 15 new electoral districts, a reduction in representation for Northern Ontario will appear shocking. And the present Algoma - Manitoulin - Kapuskasing is already a geographic monster.
The solution is to follow the Ontario Government's definition of Northern Ontario, and include Parry Sound District but not Muskoka. This brings the population of Northern Ontario to 784,063 (with the uncounted reserves), 7.38 electoral quotients, or 9 electoral districts with an average population of 87,118, 18% below the provincial quotient. These can be accommodated without undue special treatment.
Sudbry (the city) actually gained in population (and the electoral district remained unchanged, while Nickel Belt actually grew 3.4%), maybe not as much as the GTA, but still, it shouldn't be penalized because it happens to be in a Province that is growing exponentially. If Halifax was in Ontario, should it lose representation too just because Toronto out-grew it? No. We are lumping this region together, and making larger ridings, even for those who grew. Why should Timmins and Sudbury, who saw population increases, lose representation because Thunder Bay (and virtually all of NW Ontario) lost population?
Agreed. In fact, I think Timmins--James Bay should not have to share a riding with part of Timiskaming, nor should Kapuskasing be united with Espanola and Manitoulin. Absurd!
I see the Boundaries Commission making Cochrane District a single riding (of course including Attawapiskat).
A purely urban-core district of SUDBURY could have about 92,000 residents, 13.4% below quotient, much like the present population of 92,048 but shifted slightly east. An electoral district of NICKEL BELT—TIMISKAMING would include about 37,000 residents from Valley East and the other most francophone parts of Sudbury district and 18,272 from Nipissing district much as the present Nickel Belt does, but adding Timiskaming’s 32,634, making a population of about 87,906, 17.24 per cent below quotient. An electoral district of SUDBURY—ALGOMA—MANITOULIN would have about 11,000 from Sudbury’s urban core, 10,654 from Lively and smaller centres and about 15,936 from other areas of Greater Sudbury, another 14,982 from Sudbury District (including Espanola, Chapleau etc.) plus 22,227 from Algoma district east of Sault Ste. Marie, and 13,048 from Manitoulin, for a total of about 87,847, 17.29% below quotient.
Re: Saskatchewan
John Courtney has an impressive résumé. The guy wrote multiple entire books on electoral districts. I can only hope that his focus on electoral politics will mean he truly wants to serve the public interest.
David Marit has been called up in front of various Commons committees to talk about rural issues. Does he have any inherent bias in this? He wants rural issues to be heard. Does it work in his favour to advocate for continuing to dilute urban voices in mixed ridings with rural areas, or will he favour assigning rural representation to separate districts?
Agreed. In fact, I think Timmins--James Bay should not have to share a riding with part of Timiskaming, nor should Kapuskasing be united with Espanola and Manitoulin. Absurd!
I see the Boundaries Commission making Cochrane District a single riding (of course including Attawapiskat).
A purely urban-core district of SUDBURY could have about 92,000 residents, 13.4% below quotient, much like the present population of 92,048 but shifted slightly east. An electoral district of NICKEL BELT—TIMISKAMING would include about 37,000 residents from Valley East and the other most francophone parts of Sudbury district and 18,272 from Nipissing district much as the present Nickel Belt does, but adding Timiskaming’s 32,634, making a population of about 87,906, 17.24 per cent below quotient. An electoral district of SUDBURY—ALGOMA—MANITOULIN would have about 11,000 from Sudbury’s urban core, 10,654 from Lively and smaller centres and about 15,936 from other areas of Greater Sudbury, another 14,982 from Sudbury District (including Espanola, Chapleau etc.) plus 22,227 from Algoma district east of Sault Ste. Marie, and 13,048 from Manitoulin, for a total of about 87,847, 17.29% below quotient.
I agree with this, however I think they tried to do this last time but residents of Sudbury (and the City) revolted. Not sure how they can have that much power though, and they ended up just splitting Sudbury into two (Temiskaming and Sudbury aren't connected by any highway, much like what we see in Algoma-Manitoulin-Kap). I also wouldn't mind a James Bay - Kenora (or an "Ontario Far North") riding, which would be well below the quotient but would be given special consideration (probably at about 50% of Ontario's quotient), but still much higher than similar communities in the territories right above it.
FWIW, I showed the Quebec nominees to Thomas Mulcair at an event today, and he said he knows of both of them. He responded positively and called the choices "unimpeachable".
I also raised the topic of Saskatchewan with him, and he said that in fact, at the last boundary commission it was a contingent from the NDP that naively proposed carving up the cities. So we could well see a saner realignment of the boundaries next time.
The mistake in their initial proposal in 2002 was to put the francophone communities of French River and St.-Charles into Parry Sound--Muskoka, and other places like Coniston/Nickel Centre into Sudbury. Then in their final report they had to restore Nickel Belt as a francophone/bilingual riding. I'm trying to retain that.
The highway wasn't the problem: both the original and the final proposal included Highway 17, Sturgeon Falls, and north up Highway 64.
It's imparitive that NDP supporters in Saskatchewan and elsewhere show up at the public hearings as the next election could be decided by just a few ridings going slightly one way or another.
Redistribution of the Federal Electoral Districts - Elections Canada
How can I get involved in the federal redistribution process?
You will have the opportunity to participate in public hearings after boundaries commissions publish their initial proposals. Information will be available through the federal redistribution website once the commissions are established in the spring of 2012. The website will include the commissions' proposals, once they become available,as well as the public hearing schedule.
Visit our website in the spring of 2012 to find your commission's web page and learn about public hearings in your province.
Also NDP MP's should also be as proactive as possible.
How are members of Parliament involved in the federal redistribution process?
MPs have two opportunities to give input into the federal redistribution process: during public hearings, and through the House of Commons review process for the commission reports.
Boundaries commissions will consider all comments received, but they are not obliged to make changes based on them. Commissions make all final decisions with respect to the new electoral boundaries.
CFL