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Like Trump, no problem "walking with Israel" (stomping over the Palestinians) while at the same time supporting anti-semitic white supremacists. This was bad during the last Brazilian dictatorship, and got a hell of a lot worse in Argentina (both countries with significant Jewish populations).
Brazil's Fascist Threat And US-Backed War on Latin American Leftist Pink Tide
Moderate Rebels episode 29: Max Blumenthal and Ben Norton are joined by Brazilian political analyst Aline Pivato to discuss the election of fascist Jair Bolsonaro as Brazil's new president, and the regional impact. We talk about his far-right extremism, support for military dictatorship, threats against leftists and Evangelical, pro-Israel politics.
'Another factor we did not fully understand is Israel's role in all this. There were rumors that the Israel Lobby in the US were lobbying for Bolsonaro. Bolsonaro was baptized in Israel two years ago. Throughout the campaign he said that the relationship with Israel would be an important part of it. And somehow this turned into 'a sign' for the Evangelicals here. On Sunday when people were celebrating Bolsonaro's win, you saw Israel's flag everywhere...'
We also address the US-sponsored war on the left-wing Pink Tide in Latin America, which has also been beaten back in several countries Aline, who is a professor in Venezuela, explains how Trump and Bolsonaro will ramp up aggression against Caracas..."
..from post #51
The lesson of Brazil
At this point, everyone is in shock. The natural reflex is to point to the dreadful manipulation of the right, through the use of the media, elite corruption and repression. That’s completely true. The election campaign that just ended illustrates the tremendous slippage of the current liberal democracies, and not only in Brazil (think of the United States). There is a strong tendency to turn politics into a huge show where anything can be said. One might have thought, however, that the left, the PT and the popular movements should have seen it coming.
The victory of a fascist comes two years after President Dilma Roussef was overthrown in a “constitutional” coup, the logical and natural consequence of which was Lula’s imprisonment. Even before that, in 2013, the right had taken the initiative by organizing real mass movements in the street to confront the inanities of the PT government, unable to tame the repression and reorient the country to the needs of the people instead of mounting megalomaniac projects (the Olympics, among others). With various media, police and judicial operations, the PT apparatus found itself in hot water. These episodes, events, scandals and other phenomena have of course been reflected in and mobilized by a highly-organized Right in Brazil, deeply embedded in the state apparatus, “armed” by a vast coterie of “service” intellectuals and firmly seated in a racist and reactionary culture that is the legacy of 500 years of social apartheid and slavery.
Dark spots of the left
That being said, it is necessary to look elsewhere. A product of the great workers and democratic struggles of the 1980s, the PT emerged from oblivion with a project of emancipation that boasted some new features. The need to “democratize the democracy” and redistribute wealth to the popular sectors resulted in a broadly attractive and arguably hegemonic project. This kind of “not so quiet revolution” seemed an ideal way to change this country without too many clashes and grinding of teeth. Once elected in 2002 after a decade of slow and partial victories, the PT enjoyed a state of grace, spurred by an economic boom propelled by rising resource prices. This giant country of agrobusiness and mining and petroleum industries amassed a lot of money, and this allowed Lula and his government to redistribute part of the wealth without harming the interests of the better-off sectors. They were never supporters of the PT but they could tolerate it with the thought that the new governance had the effect of pacifying popular demands and moderating more radical sectors. For example, PT governments continued to refuse the major demand of the MST to implement an extensive agrarian reform, thereby reinforcing the power of agrobusiness, the most dynamic sector of Brazilian capitalism. The same thing can be said for the political system.
Shortly after Lula’s election, some dissident sectors had dared to take their distance by insisting that no real change could occur in Brazil without a ruthless fight against a thoroughly rotten political system. Elected officials at all levels, civil servants, members of the judiciary and the repressive apparatus were gangrened by perverted manipulative practices and a corresponding ideology in which the supreme principle is personal profit, anchored in a deep hatred of the people. Lula and the PT leadership simply chose to live with this system.
Students in São Paulo debating resistance to Bolsonaro after the election. (Pic: Margarida Salomão on Twitter)