babble is rabble.ca's discussion board but it's much more than that: it's an online community for folks who just won't shut up. It's a place to tell each other — and the world — what's up with our work and campaigns.
"I know you're out there. I can feel you now. I know that you're afraid... you're afraid of us. You're afraid of change. I don't know the future. I didn't come here to tell you how this is going to end. I came here to tell you how it's going to begin. I'm going to hang up this phone, and then I'm going to show these people what you don't want them to see. I'm going to show them a world without you. A world without rules and controls, without borders or boundaries. A world where anything is possible. Where we go from there is a choice I leave to you." -- Neo, The Matrix, 1999
Clearly it is real if you look for particular characteristics of the ideal among political actors, but don't expect them to exist in a bubble, or to be in pure forms.
Also, when the rubber hits the road, neoliberalism looks nothing like it *should*.
When the Liberals were in government between 2003 and 2006, social spending had decreased from about 53.3% to 39.5%, which had made Canada the weakest welfare state in the North Atlantic region (Broadbent, 2009: 100). The massive cuts in spending were taken from areas such as health care, post-secondary education, affordable housing, environment protection and infrastructure (Broadbent, 2009:101).
In Ontario, funding in early childhood education, on a per-student basis has declined by nearly $2.3 billion since 1995 (Robertson, 2001:12). In British Columbia, between 2000-2001, funding per student had decreased to approximately $6529, and as a result 92 schools have been closed (leaving approximately 14000 displaced students) and 2881 teacher positions have been cut (Robertson, 2001:13). In 2009, British Columbia had an enormous $16 million cut in funding towards education, making way for more school closures and displaced students (Robertson, 2004:13).
Between 1990 – 1991 and then 2000 - 2001, enrolment in post-secondary institutions increased by 8% and the cost of living increased by more than 20% while provincial student grants declined by 5% (Mackenzie & Rosenfield, 2002:3). The Council of Ontario Universities demonstrates that provincial funding for universities decreased by $635 million within those years (Mackenzie & Rosenfield, 2002:3). In 2002 it was reported that the 11 largest universities in Ontario increased tuition by a total of $513 million (Mackenzie & Rosenfield, 2002:3).
Between 1995 and 2004, all the income growth was accumulated by the top 20% of income earners (Broadbent, 2009;104). Thus, instead of increasing taxes on the upper income groups to compensate for the lack of equality in the market distribution of the growing national income, the Liberal government had decreased the level of progressivity in the income tax system (Broadbent, 2009:105). The rate for 95% of taxpayers fell by 1 point, however for the top 1% it fell 2 points. Moreover, for the richest Canadians earning about 5.9 million dollars, the income tax rate fell from 42% to 31% in 2004 (Broadbent, 2009:105). In the 2008 OECD report, it was stated that inequality in Canada grew much more rapidly in comparison to any other OECD country (Broadbent, 2009:104).
In our contemporary Canadian state, Stephen Harper’s government is as neo-liberal as the last. Harper seeks to maximize market oriented values. Stephen Harper has decreased taxes for citizens while decreasing state funding in programs such as education and health care (Browne, 2008:37). Harper has fervently promoted for self regulatory food safety and airline safety inspections. The Harper government has provided millions of dollars in subsidies and restrained government scientists to prevent them from commenting on the negative environmental effects of tar-sands developments (Broadbent, 2009:106). The amount of money that Harper had spent to ensure that Canada’s oil industry remains competitive, could have been spent on social programs, education and the health care system. Harper has put the needs of large oil companies in Canada, over the needs of the citizens, all in the name of ensuring a competitive advantage within the global economy. . .
Our two old line parties have strangled social spending across Canada when in federal government and given more to the rich and corporations. It began with Trudeau's waging war on average Canadians with wage and price controls, and vast inequalities have grown rapidly in Canada compared to other rich countries over the last 30 to 35 years.
Trudea was not a neo-liberal advocate. He asked Galbraith what to do and got the advice of wage and price controls. I'm Afraid Galbraith was only able to "tut-tut" in his later years, and watch the Chicago Boys (Naomi) take over.
But neither was Trudeau an economist, and the advance of the Chicago School into practical politics came with Lyin'Brian and the free trade agreement. That's neo-liberal, anti-sovereignist. And of course as corporations told workers it's "our way or the highway,", both sides of the border, there was suddenly to way to gain a better living standard...and the creation of a credit society wrapped it up.
Trudea was not a neo-liberal advocate. He asked Galbraith what to do and got the advice of wage and price controls. I'm Afraid Galbraith was only able to "tut-tut" in his later years, and watch the Chicago Boys (Naomi) take over.
But neither was Trudeau an economist, and the advance of the Chicago School into practical politics came with Lyin'Brian and the free trade agreement. That's neo-liberal, anti-sovereignist. And of course as corporations told workers it's "our way or the highway,", both sides of the border, there was suddenly to way to gain a better living standard...and the creation of a credit society wrapped it up.
You are correct George, and Galbraith's ideas are an offtshoot of the arch neoliberal whipping boy, Keynes.
Though, as Fidel intimates, neoliberalism is "not what is supposed to be" especially according to its supposed holy shrine of the anti-government "free market". That is a simplistic lie for the simple who salute and sniffle at the mention of the word "free".
Although, his focus is the UK, John Gray has a review of "The Neoliberal State" by Raymond Plant which exposes the the deception which is pretty much universal with neoliberals:
Quote:
An increase in state power has always been the inner logic of neoliberalism, because, in order to inject markets into every corner of social life, a government needs to be highly invasive. Health, education and the arts are now more controlled by the state than they were in the era of Labour collectivism. Once-autonomous institutions are entangled in an apparatus of government targets and incentives. The consequence of reshaping society on a market model has been to make the state omnipresent.
Raymond Plant is a rarity among academic political theorists, in that he has deep experience of political life (before becoming a Labour peer he was a long-time adviser to Neil Kinnock). But he remains a philosopher, and the central focus of The Neoliberal State is not on the ways in which neoliberalism has self-destructed in practice. Instead, using a method of immanent criticism, Plant aims to uncover contradictions in neoliberal ideology itself.
Trudea was not a neo-liberal advocate. He asked Galbraith what to do and got the advice of wage and price controls. I'm Afraid Galbraith was only able to "tut-tut" in his later years, and watch the Chicago Boys (Naomi) take over.
But neither was Trudeau an economist, and the advance of the Chicago School into practical politics came with Lyin'Brian and the free trade agreement. That's neo-liberal, anti-sovereignist. And of course as corporations told workers it's "our way or the highway,", both sides of the border, there was suddenly to way to gain a better living standard...and the creation of a credit society wrapped it up.
Well I agree that wage and price controls are not neoliberal. But it was the first of the attacks on labour in Canada as there were more wages controlled than controlling of prices at the time. And their lame efforts would be held up as proof that Keynesianism wasn't working. US predidents Johnson and even Nixon to some extent were convinced by the political right that lavish social spending was causing inflation of the 1970's. Nixon refused to implement Friedman's ideas, and it was because he didn't believe that neoliberal agenda was compatible with his own re-election chances. In other words, as Palast and Klein wrote about it, it was the first evidence that neoliberalism and democracy are incompatible.
Neoliberal monetarism at the Bank of Canada began during Trudeau's rein, I believe. And since then, Canada's national indebtedness to private sources has skyrocketed. By 1984, Trudeau was mostly on-side with neoconservatives and neoliberals.
My own view is that neoliberalism was really politically introduced into Canada following the 1983 election and the set of neo-liberal atrocites, drafted by the Fraser Institute, that the Bennett Socred regime introduced. It was a test case, as it were, to attack working people in Canada by attacking the very strong and militant BC labour movement. The reaction to those atrocities was the Solidarity Coaltion and Operation Solidarity. These replies were betrayed by the leadership, primarily people like Jack Munroe of the IWA, et al., and the rest, as they say, is history.
My own view is that neoliberalism was really politically introduced into Canada following the 1983 election and the set of neo-liberal atrocites, drafted by the Fraser Institute, that the Bennett Socred regime introduced. It was a test case, as it were, to attack working people in Canada by attacking the very strong and militant BC labour movement. The reaction to those atrocities was the Solidarity Coaltion and Operation Solidarity. These replies were betrayed by the leadership, primarily people like Jack Munroe of the IWA, et al., and the rest, as they say, is history.
David Harvey is perhaps the most accessible academic that writes on neoliberalism and he has (I think) the strongest grasp on the concept, too.
1. Since 1975, our governments have decreased the use of our Bank of Canada to hold Canada’s debt. Result? A dramatic increase of unnecessary interest paid. In 1975 the total federal debt was $37 billion. By the year 2000 it was $585 billion. This dramatic increase was due to borrowing money from foreign and domestic banks at market rates of interest, rather than borrowing from our own Bank of Canada at nominal rates of interest, the payment of which come back into government coffers as dividends.
Quote:
"The maintenance of an average rate of growth of the money supply no higher than the long-term average rate of growth of the production of goods and services in Canada ...is required if the inflation is to be brought under control" -- Gerald Bouey, Saskatoon Manifesto September 22, 1975
"It is a marvellous speech. It is the best speech I have ever heard a central banker give...I could have written it myself." --Milton Friedman, commenting on Gerald Bouey's Saskatoon Manifesto October 2, 1975
And so the sovereignty of Canada was handed to marauding international capital by an appointed central banker by the name of Gerald Buoey by 1975.
Today’s clash of civilization is not really with the Orient; it is with our own past. Society’s basic grammar of thought, the vocabulary to discuss political and economic topics, is being turned inside-out in an effort to ward off discussion of the policy solutions posed by the classical economists and political philosophers that made Western civilization “Western.”
The fact that today’s neoliberals claim to be the intellectual descendants of Adam Smith make it necessary to restore a more accurate historical perspective. Their concept of “free markets” is the antithesis of Smith’s. It is the opposite of that of the classical political economists down through John Stuart Mill, Karl Marx and the Progressive Era reforms that sought to create markets free of extractive rentier claims by special interests whose institutional power can be traced back to medieval Europe and its age of military conquest.
The Chicago School was new to the University of Toronto in the winter of 74-75. Thanks for the Bouey reminder, Fidel. It seemed to some of us that there could be no fighting it, finally, if capital could demand obedience from political jurisdictions and labour. The fact that the workers were increasingly beholden to those same corporations for their retirement incomes became apparent later. And all became dependent on the market.
Glad you appreciate it, George. I'm learning some new things about our recent past with skimming through comer.org and David Harvey's comments. Interesting. And American Michael Hudson writes some very interesting things as well. He says he quit teaching economics for a spell when Chicago School doctrine displaced rational thought in US universities teaching economics. Canadian William Krehm describes that same period as when the Stalinization of economic theory began in North America. Rabble's Duncan Cameron knows all of this stuff inside out.
Is Neoliberalism real, or is it an illusion?
Clearly it is real if you look for particular characteristics of the ideal among political actors, but don't expect them to exist in a bubble, or to be in pure forms.
Also, when the rubber hits the road, neoliberalism looks nothing like it *should*.
The Neo-Liberal Dogma & Canada By Laila Abu-Jaza
Our two old line parties have strangled social spending across Canada when in federal government and given more to the rich and corporations. It began with Trudeau's waging war on average Canadians with wage and price controls, and vast inequalities have grown rapidly in Canada compared to other rich countries over the last 30 to 35 years.
Trudea was not a neo-liberal advocate. He asked Galbraith what to do and got the advice of wage and price controls. I'm Afraid Galbraith was only able to "tut-tut" in his later years, and watch the Chicago Boys (Naomi) take over.
But neither was Trudeau an economist, and the advance of the Chicago School into practical politics came with Lyin'Brian and the free trade agreement. That's neo-liberal, anti-sovereignist. And of course as corporations told workers it's "our way or the highway,", both sides of the border, there was suddenly to way to gain a better living standard...and the creation of a credit society wrapped it up.
You are correct George, and Galbraith's ideas are an offtshoot of the arch neoliberal whipping boy, Keynes.
Though, as Fidel intimates, neoliberalism is "not what is supposed to be" especially according to its supposed holy shrine of the anti-government "free market". That is a simplistic lie for the simple who salute and sniffle at the mention of the word "free".
Although, his focus is the UK, John Gray has a review of "The Neoliberal State" by Raymond Plant which exposes the the deception which is pretty much universal with neoliberals:
http://www.newstatesman.com/non-fiction/2010/01/neoliberal-state-market-...
Well I agree that wage and price controls are not neoliberal. But it was the first of the attacks on labour in Canada as there were more wages controlled than controlling of prices at the time. And their lame efforts would be held up as proof that Keynesianism wasn't working. US predidents Johnson and even Nixon to some extent were convinced by the political right that lavish social spending was causing inflation of the 1970's. Nixon refused to implement Friedman's ideas, and it was because he didn't believe that neoliberal agenda was compatible with his own re-election chances. In other words, as Palast and Klein wrote about it, it was the first evidence that neoliberalism and democracy are incompatible.
Neoliberal monetarism at the Bank of Canada began during Trudeau's rein, I believe. And since then, Canada's national indebtedness to private sources has skyrocketed. By 1984, Trudeau was mostly on-side with neoconservatives and neoliberals.
A Brief History of Neoliberalism by David Harvey
David Harvey interviewed on Neoliberalism
My own view is that neoliberalism was really politically introduced into Canada following the 1983 election and the set of neo-liberal atrocites, drafted by the Fraser Institute, that the Bennett Socred regime introduced. It was a test case, as it were, to attack working people in Canada by attacking the very strong and militant BC labour movement. The reaction to those atrocities was the Solidarity Coaltion and Operation Solidarity. These replies were betrayed by the leadership, primarily people like Jack Munroe of the IWA, et al., and the rest, as they say, is history.
David Harvey is perhaps the most accessible academic that writes on neoliberalism and he has (I think) the strongest grasp on the concept, too.
Connie Fogal wrote:
And so the sovereignty of Canada was handed to marauding international capital by an appointed central banker by the name of Gerald Buoey by 1975.
Michael Hudson wrote:
The Chicago School was new to the University of Toronto in the winter of 74-75. Thanks for the Bouey reminder, Fidel. It seemed to some of us that there could be no fighting it, finally, if capital could demand obedience from political jurisdictions and labour. The fact that the workers were increasingly beholden to those same corporations for their retirement incomes became apparent later. And all became dependent on the market.
Glad you appreciate it, George. I'm learning some new things about our recent past with skimming through comer.org and David Harvey's comments. Interesting. And American Michael Hudson writes some very interesting things as well. He says he quit teaching economics for a spell when Chicago School doctrine displaced rational thought in US universities teaching economics. Canadian William Krehm describes that same period as when the Stalinization of economic theory began in North America. Rabble's Duncan Cameron knows all of this stuff inside out.