Will Libs dump Iggy before an Election?

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Sean in Ottawa

I think your math reaffirms what I have been saying which is essentially agreement with Kinsella that the numbers are not realistic. The Liberals would have to wipe out the NDP, most suburban conservatives and win 40% of Quebec.

Sure it is mathematically possible just as any number but this is simply not realistic. The point remains that a Liberal majority has to be constructed in Quebec and the BQ as long as they exist take that off the table.

In terms of what is realistic-- rather than a perfect storm which is dependent on other's misfortunes is essentially what is in the hands of a "great" Liberal leader. No matter how great the Liberal leader is and the message without a catastrophe in the other parties you cannot bring in both the Conservative voters you want while wiping out the NDP-- there are no policies that can do that since the voters fundamentally disagree. How do you deliver what one group wants without alienating the other?

A brilliant Liberal leader and campaign could achieve what I suggested at the start but that is short of a majority. To eliminate the NDP and the Conservatives from Quebec while bringing the BQ down to 40 seats is a tall order but you are asking or more than that -- you are saying the Liberals would also have to eliminate the NDP and most Cons from Atlantic Canada and the West-- including bumping off the Cons in significant areas of Manitoba and Saskatchewan and even Alberta without letting in the NDP just to get a bare majority. It is hard to imagine the Cons that weak without the NDP coming up. Some of it is a matter of the lack of fear and progress of other parties-- akin to putting the genie back in the bottle.

In any case I think this exercise illustrates that what the Liberals have to do to get a majority is so far beyond what a reasonable expectation of success would be that they can no longer reasonably expect a good campaign to end in a majority. Remember that this was the bar-- you had failed if you did not deliver a majority. Here we are far from establishing if a good election can take them that far-- we are discussing if even in the best case scenario if it is even possible-- the bar has changed.

So to has it changed for the Cons. While a majority may still be possible or more easy for the Cons, it is much harder than it was in the days of Mulroney who cobbled it together without the BQ. It is arguable that Harper's last two campaigns were indeed enormously successful and it is the electoral landscape keeping him from a majority not his own weakness. Yes, if he had beaten back the BQ (no arts cuts for Quebec) he might have done it -- barely. But the task even for the Cons is much more difficult than it used to be.

All that said, hopefully eventually the parties will learn to produce stable coalitions rather than unstable government or hostage government as the Cons have put together over the last while where they do not have the support of the House but they cow the House in to not expressing that lack of support formally in order to avoid an election. This is an important point that needs to be made in  that the current government has managed through intimidation to govern without the support of the House for so long. That is not a normal minority, it is a dysfunctional one. It did not come from compromise but instead threats, tactics and perhaps cowardice and incompetence in the opposition. That is much different than a working arrangement or coalition in the House.

 

Boom Boom Boom Boom's picture

I live in Mulroney's riding - Manicouagan - and the BQ have a firm grip here, although their MP is useless and does nothing but grandstand. A friend of mine ran for the Liberals last time, and even though he's popular on the coast, our population is so tiny that he lost by a wide margin because the BQ are even more popular everywhere else. I think even the Conservative guy got more votes than the Liberal last time.

Vansterdam Kid

Okay, all of this assumes no major changes in the Canadian political sphere. It seemed in 2003, even after the right was united, but before the sponsorship scandal that Harper and his Conservatives were unelectable, Paul Martin was going to lead the Liberals to unparallelled heights and the economy was churning along, which helped to re-enforce their strength. Then "the shit" hit the fan. So I think you folks are forgetting that there are things that are out of the control of each party that their handling of can determine where they will be.

For instance, unpopular provincial governments have an effect on election results. Let's pretend it's 2015. In 2015 we've entered another recession, almost as deep as this one. The NDP forms the government in BC and Nova Scotia, and is relatively unpopular in both. The Conservatives (or their allies) form a government in Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Ontario, New Brunswick, PEI and Newfoundland and are relatively unpopular in each of these. The PQ forms a government in Quebec, which is relatively unpopular. All of these things will negatively impact on the Conservatives and BQ. It will suppress the NDP's momentum in BC and Nova Scotia (important provinces for them). Supposing the long in the tooth Conservative government is also beset by numerous scandals and pandering to their base, that too could hurt the them. Also, due to long term irrelevance the Greens have withered back to irrelevance. I could imagine a vote count of something like: 41% L, 29% C, 17% N, 9% B, 3% G, 1% Otrs/Indies. This would likely mean the Conservatives would be shut out of Quebec again, probably loose most of their urban seats, a majority of their suburban seats and that the NDP gains in Quebec would be limited yet again.

The math is difficult. And I would agree that in the short term minority governments and coalitions are far more likely. None of these scenarios are on the horizon right now, but who knows what will happen in the next five years.

Lou Arab Lou Arab's picture

Vansterdam Kid wrote:

In Alberta these seats obviously are an advantage to the Conservatives. That said Alberta is a historical anomaly. The Conservatives shouldn't be so dominant in urban and suburban areas in Alberta, because they aren't anywhere else (except the "rurban" Saskatchewan seats). They are only as dominant as they are in Alberta due to historical animosity and institutional weakness. Those two things aren't as hard to overcome as demographic/cultural or class antagonism. When it comes to demographics and socio-political trends across the western world, Alberta is unusual and there's no reason why it couldn't change over the course of the next 10-20 years (or less even). Especially as more non-Albertans migrate to Calgary and Edmonton and as people become less religious (thus less friendly to the Conservatives).

Just as a short aside, I agree that Alberta is an anomaly, but I'm not totally sure why.  And I don't think you quite have the reasons.

The demographic changes you suggest that will happen over the next 20 years have been happening here for the last 30 years - without the change in political culture you would expect to follow.  Alberta is increasingly urban and cosmopolitan.  Both Edmonton and Calgary have large populations of immigrants and visible minorities.  And people have been moving here from other provinces in large numbers since the seventies.  I've lived in three provinces and found there were more Christian right types in BC than Alberta (particularlry Northern Alberta).

The best theory I can offer as an explanation for the anomaly is some combination of an extended period of good economic times, combined with a greater than average voter apathy, the fact being conservative is part of the Alberta collective identity, and a lack of effort to build organization and capacity by other political parties, particularly on the federal scene.  Add to this the presence of a huge energy lobby that does everything it can to support conservative governments and you get, in my mind, the basic elements for sustained success by the Conservative Party in Alberta.

JKR

Vansterdam Kid wrote:

For instance, unpopular provincial governments have an effect on election results. Let's pretend it's 2015. In 2015 we've entered another recession, almost as deep as this one. The NDP forms the government in BC and Nova Scotia, and is relatively unpopular in both. The Conservatives (or their allies) form a government in Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Ontario, New Brunswick, PEI and Newfoundland and are relatively unpopular in each of these. The PQ forms a government in Quebec, which is relatively unpopular. All of these things will negatively impact on the Conservatives and BQ. It will suppress the NDP's momentum in BC and Nova Scotia (important provinces for them). Supposing the long in the tooth Conservative government is also beset by numerous scandals and pandering to their base, that too could hurt the them. Also, due to long term irrelevance the Greens have withered back to irrelevance. I could imagine a vote count of something like: 41% L, 29% C, 17% N, 9% B, 3% G, 1% Otrs/Indies. This would likely mean the Conservatives would be shut out of Quebec again, probably loose most of their urban seats, a majority of their suburban seats and that the NDP gains in Quebec would be limited yet again.

The math is difficult. And I would agree that in the short term minority governments and coalitions are far more likely. None of these scenarios are on the horizon right now, but who knows what will happen in the next five years.

Something like this scenario will likely happen. It looks like the Liberal governments in Ontario, BC, and Quebec are all on their way out. Once these unpopular Liberal governments are gone, federal Liberal popularity will likely grow again. Premiers Tim Hudak, Pauline Marois, and Carole James might be having dinner with Prime Minister Ignatieff at 24 Suzzex one day not so far away. Or more likely, Ignatieff's succesor, likely from Quebec, will get that pleasure.

History shows:

Chretien was blessed with having to run against Bob Rae and Bill Harris in Ontario, Glenn Clark in BC, and Jacques Parizeau in Quebec.

Mulroney was lucky to run against David Peterson in Ontario and Rene Levesque in Quebec.

Trudeau was lucky to run against Levesque in Quebec and Bill Davis and Dave Robarts in Ontario.

It's no accident that while the Liberals were the natural governing party federally the PC party was the natural governing party in Ontario. And its no accident that the federal Liberals have prospered when the Union Nationale and Parti Quebecois have ruled Quebec.

Harper has not been as lucky as Chretien, Mulroney or Trudeau. He has been able to only run against McGuinty. The BQ has been able to run against Charest. If Quebec had had a PQ government, Harper would have got his majority.

The ying-yang federal/provincial nature of Canadians politics is difficult to overcome as governments always eventually lose popularity and bring down their political cousins.

The failure and success of politicians  is, to a great extent, out of their control. If John Tory had won in Ontario, Ignatieff would probably be PM today.

JKR

Lou Arab wrote:

Just as a short aside, I agree that Alberta is an anomaly, but I'm not totally sure why.  And I don't think you quite have the reasons.

Alberta is an anomoly because their identity is stronly associated with being western Canadian and with being anti-Ontario and anti-Quebec.

Alberta is firmly in the Conservative camp because the Conservatives have been led by:

Stephen Harper - Albertan
Stockwell Day - Albertan
Preston Manning - Albertan
Joe Clark - Albertan
Robert Stanfield - Nova Scotia
John Diefenbaker - Saskatchewan

Notice a major exception? Brian Mulroney from Quebec. They hated him so much they started a new Alberta based party that split up the right for over a decade.

And who have the Liberals been led by:

Michael Ignatieff - Ontario
Paul Martin - Quebec
Jean Chretien - Quebec
John Turner - Ontario
Pierre Trudeau - Quebec
Mike Pearson - Ontario
Louis St Laurent - Quebec

As long as an Albertan or westerner is the leader of the Conservatives, Alberta will likely stay in the Conservative column. And if the Liberals stick to having leaders from just Ontario and Quebec Alberta won't be going Liberal.

If we had PR this would change, as Alberta would then be represented with many Liberals and NDP'ers who get between 30 - 50% of the vote in Alberta.

 

Frustrated Mess Frustrated Mess's picture

Sean in Ottawa wrote:

FM-- the example you give of Chretien does not work as it was only the unusual situation of the split right that allowed the Liberals to get a majority without Quebec.

The Liberals cannot win a majority without either the West or Quebec. They did it only because they swept Ontario during the PC/Alliance split period. Under normal conditions that would not be possible.

As well each new redistribution has increased the difficulty for the Liberals to manage anything close to a majority without Quebec or the west. Ontario and Atlantic Canada will never deliver enough seats to balance poor showing in Quebec and the West.

But the Conservatives are split, Sean. The coalition, today, is not the grand coalition of Brian Mulroney but a rather narrow coalition of Ontario Harrisites and Alberta bigots ... er ... social conservatives. That is why despite a very weak Liberal Party they can't climb into majority territory.

Ottawa Observer, with all due respect, focusing on numbers forgets that politics is (ought to be) about persuasion and seats do change hands because voters change preferences even if only for a period of time.

Sean in Ottawa

How are the Conservatives split?

Sure they are a very right wing merry little band but they sure are not split in any significant way.

You can say that the Liberals act like Cons but that is not the impression voters who are not NDP have.

Surely you can't compare the cons of today to the PC-Alliance Crap of a few years ago?

No party has ever won a majority in Canadian history without either the West or Quebec in some pretty big numbers.

 

 

 

Frustrated Mess Frustrated Mess's picture

If you view conservatives as represented only by parties, then, sure, there is no split as there is a single right wing conservative party. Granted. But the fact there is only one party papers over the fact that there are a great many conservatives who are not active supporters or participants in the Harperist party. If they were, Harper would likely have his majority. The cons today, are essentially the Alliance-crap of a few years ago. The red tories and many of the principled conservatives are political orphans. And let's not kid ourselves, they represent a political force. With them, the cons could court a majority. Without them, the cons will always be in a minority at best. And the only reason we have a Harper minority is because the Liberals are so pathetic. And I agree with you, No party has ever held a majority without either the West or Quebec. So what? Are you arguing the Bloc has x number of seats and always shall no matter what transpires in the future or what is offered to Quebec voters? Are you arguing the seat count in the West is set in concrete and neither the Liberals nor the NDP can ever improve their fortunes no matter the circumstance? Because if so, why bother with an electoral process at all?

The fact is we are stuck where we are not because of riding maps but because none of the parties have what it takes to capture the imagination of voters. The cons only know how to sow division and contempt, the Liberals are prisoners of their own shadows, and the NDP is afraid to break loose and truly engage voters in a left discourse of possibilities.

We have arrived at the Canadian Land of Paridise in Mediocrity.

KenS

Vansterdam Kid wrote:

Okay, all of this assumes no major changes in the Canadian political sphere. It seemed in 2003, even after the right was united, but before the sponsorship scandal that Harper and his Conservatives were unelectable, Paul Martin was going to lead the Liberals to unparallelled heights and the economy was churning along, which helped to re-enforce their strength. Then "the shit" hit the fan. So I think you folks are forgetting that there are things that are out of the control of each party that their handling of can determine where they will be.

Don't think so. Remember that in 2003 pundits of all stripes were just making it up as we went along. The unting of the Conservatives was still new, and dubious whether it was going to amount to anything. Mux in the hype around Martin the Savious... and in that context where there is no precedent... and the general consensus is built on a base of sand.

All the scandal did was strip away the pretense of what might happen. We ended up with you guessed it, more of the same that we had not expected. There is really no assurance at all that even without the scandal the BQ was not capable of sufficiently holding their own in the 2004 election.... and that with a united right, the Liberals would no longer be able to keep their artificial majorities.

Viz the BQ, nothing radical happened, and we never had good reason to think so. And with the uniting of the right, that meant no more artificial Liberal near sweeps of Ontario. The days of Liberal majorities were over- the scandal just meant they collapsed even further than that.

ottawaobserver

Frustrated Mess wrote:

Ottawa Observer, with all due respect, focusing on numbers forgets that politics is (ought to be) about persuasion and seats do change hands because voters change preferences even if only for a period of time.

This is a fair point.  I was just looking at the numbers and trying to imagine how persuasive Michael Ignatieff would have to be in order to overcome them.  Then I wrote that post.

Leuca

The fact that the Conservatives are still in power at all in this country says a great deal about Harper's ability to manage and the public's general support of Conservative policies.  Clearly, the Conservatives would be toast if they tried to take the country in a direction not amenable to most or even a significant proportion of Canadians.  With the Harper Conservatives focus on the main concern of Canadians, namely the economy, they have many years of power to look forward to, and don't be the slightest bit surprised if Harper corrals a majority of the seats in the House in the not too distant future.

That would be two consecutive Liberal leaders not becoming Prime Minister, and counting.  Quite a feat.

Lou Arab Lou Arab's picture

JKR wrote:

Notice a major exception? Brian Mulroney from Quebec. They hated him so much they started a new Alberta based party that split up the right for over a decade.

Except of course that Albertans voted for Mulroney in overwhelming numbers in the two elections he contested, and it wasn't until the Conservatives were led by a westerner (K. Campbell) that they jumped ship.

 

Scott Piatkowski Scott Piatkowski's picture

JKR wrote:
History shows:

Chretien was blessed with having to run against Bob Rae and Bill Harris in Ontario, Glenn Clark in BC, and Jacques Parizeau in Quebec.

Mulroney was lucky to run against David Peterson in Ontario and Rene Levesque in Quebec.

Trudeau was lucky to run against Levesque in Quebec and Bill Davis and Dave Robarts in Ontario.

Actually, history shows Premiers named Mike Harris and John Robarts.

Boom Boom Boom Boom's picture

The only way I see a Conservative majority is if there is a meltdown in Liberal support as the electorate tires of Iggy, which might still happen. If Iggy attacks Harper on really substantive issues between now and the next election, then he might get a reprieve. A meltdown of Liberal support would likely benefit both the Cons and NDP, but mostly the Cons. I can't stand Iggy at all, but I still don't want to see him lose on a Kim Campbell scale - because that would give Harper an overwhelming majority, which would be the end of this country as we know it.Frown

Sean in Ottawa

Frustrated Mess wrote:

Are you arguing the Bloc has x number of seats and always shall no matter what transpires in the future or what is offered to Quebec voters? Are you arguing the seat count in the West is set in concrete and neither the Liberals nor the NDP can ever improve their fortunes no matter the circumstance? Because if so, why bother with an electoral process at all?

No I am not arguing this-- as I said -- in the past the Liberals only needed a good campaign to get a majority. Now even a great campaign will not give them one-- they need to eliminate well established parties in certain regions the BQ being a major obstacle.

Election dynamics used to be - if you are opposition look fairly credible and damage the government. But now you not only have to damage the government you have to scrap with several opposition parties more than one of which you have to put on life support in order to get a majority.

This is not business as usual. It is a fundamental change where electoral success needs to be measured differently and the aims of the parties needs to change-- that is no longer a run for a majority or bust but a win by a potential coalition. this changes the dynamics meaning that the Liberals have less of a purpose in sinking resources in to two way NDP Liberal contests and need to keep an focus on the electoral math that can allow allies to govern collectively.

I think it is a bit of misrepresentation to argue that I am saying that the seat count in Quebec or the West is set in concrete and a little insulting even. But it is realistic to stop assuming that successful campaigns result in a majority. It is also reasonable to recognize that the Liberal party no longer has a base capable of a majority. Sure one day they may have but they don't now. They have no where near the strength to get a majority and to campaign as if they can will invite failure. So saying in a campaign they won't work with other parties is not constructive as it is to burn those bridges. There is also a new reality which is that the NDP's potential is not remarkably different than the Liberal's. I would argue that the Liberals are close to a new high water mark over which there is great resistance and challenges at the same time as the NDP has actually increased its high water mark. These two parties may be stuck in a 35-100 seat range for some time. I think the NDP's chances of going in to the top of this range (a historic high) is about as great as the Liberals chance of exceeding it. The Liberals have a smaller base than they use to have but historical advantages in maximizing it so they presently look much stronger than the NDP than they actually are. Both parties must learn from this-- the NDP needs to cultivate its links and terms for going in to government and the Liberals need to recognize that NDP support is a prerequisite to governance. And I will go out on a limb and say this new reality may exist for the foreseeable future. While the odd majority could in theory in a perfect storm scenario may be technically possible it si so remote now that it ought not to be either a measurement of success or a plan for an election. This change of focus that is required is what is needed for either of these parties to govern. The NDP is already there as it has known always that it is unlikely to win a majority in a 3-5 party system but the Liberals have to internalize this and Kinsella is making this point.

What I am suggesting ought not to be perceived as a limitation on what the parties can do-- indeed the obsession with majority single party governance is more of a limitation in my view and a great deal less realistic. Indeed the Cons have already found that they are less adept than even the Liberals in forging multiparty arrangements. This new reality does provide a disadvantage to the Cons who have only been able to govern by bullying as they have no natural allies. For the NDP they also need to recognize that their potential has shifted dramatically and campaign accordingly. Indeed it is the NDP in many places that are the only viable alternative to the Cons.In my view it is precisely the way of thinking that this is some kind of limitation that is the obstacle for parties to have a mature way of campaigning to their advantage. To be blunt there is advice in this for the Cons. The only party that party could work with might be the Liberals and they should consider that accordingly. In the long run I suspect that it will become apparent that the Liberals will frequently have to make a choice between arrangements with the Conservatives and those with the NDP. As the NDP strengthens this is likely to become more stark. For the Liberals there are opportunities to govern again but also dangers.

It is essential that this perspective not be confused with either the prospect of an electoral alliance, deal or strategic voting. It is none of those (I do not support those anti-democratic strategies). However, it is about each party maximizing its advantage to get in to government. And then after the election make the best arrangements and alliances to see that through.

Steve_Shutt Steve_Shutt's picture

FM,

The old dynamic of the Liberal party, since Laurier, was that it was the great national party.  Real or not, the other parties responded to the big Red machine.

The Tories, under Diefenbaker, Clark and ultimately Mulroney, tried to harnass the Western conservative populists, Red Tories and soft Quebec nationalists into an alternative.  All these groups were opposed to Liberal rule but would find that building a unifying political agenda once in government was hard to do.  Diefenbaker and Clark's coalitions were defeated before the cleavages could really become exposed but Mulroney had the whole project explode spectacularly with the Bloc and Reform splits.

Harper has managed to pull the Reform and Red Tory factions together and has hit upon an interesting strategy to deal with Quebec - even if more by default than design - leave it to the Bloc.  The BQ, even though far more progressive than the old Blue nationalists of the past, are effectively occupying Tory seats in so far as they are being denied to the Liberals.

Whereas Quebec nationalists used to sit out federal politics by NOT participating - electing Liberals - they are now sitting out federal politics by running as the Bloc - not electing Tories but denying the Liberals a huge chunk of seats.  Quebec has minimal representation around the cabinet table but with a anti-activist Conservative govenment this may not be as significant to most Quebecois voters as would be the case were the federal government dynamically working on a true Green agenda or some other grand national project.

The creation of the Bloc is so significant for everyone because they force the a Parlaimentary majority (Liberal or Conservative) of 155 seats to be formed from a pool of 253-268 non-Bloc seats, giving the Bloc between 40-55 seats.  A total, non-Bloc, oppostion of less than 98-113 seats is hard to imagine.  Can Iggy really do much worse than Dion?  Even if the Harperites fell flat on their face can they really be expected to get less than 75 (BC 10, AB 25, SK 5, MB 5, Ont 25, PQ 0, Atl 5) without the NDP/Liberal numbers rising sufficiently to deny the other a majority?

I have to agree with the central thesis raised by most of the posters here, a majority government is just not in the cards for anyone.  So the question is do we continue to accept perpetual minority Tory rule as a result of Liberal unwillingness to work a deal or do the Liberals embrace the role of senior partner in a progressive coalition (accepting, for the moment, that the Liberal party is somehow a progressive party of the center-left)?  I hope for the later but, returning momentarily to the title of the thread, I think Iggy will make one last cavelry charge into the guns of reality before coming the that conclusion (or before being replace by someone else who will).

ottawaobserver

There's some indication today, to answer your question, Steve, that some Liberals are starting to think about that issue.  I don't know that party well enough to gauge how widespread it might be, but a couple of Liberal bloggers posted about the parallels between the British case and Canada. I do know that the blogposts are attracting a lot of commentary as well.  And the only thing they really have against the idea is having to work with the NDP. ;-)

http://farnwide.blogspot.com/2010/05/conservatives-have-lost-their-boogeyman.html

http://warrenkinsella.com/2010/05/question/

http://scottdiatribe.canflag.com/2010/05/11/uk-coalition-government-some-lessons/

Stockholm

In other words, the Liberals like the the idea of a coalition as long as it doesn't mean that they actually have to share power with any other party! :-)

Boom Boom Boom Boom's picture

Layton and Duceppe would really have to hold their noses if they entered into a coalition with Iggy, and in the highly unlikely event it were to happen, they'd better have conditions for their support written down on paper. Layton had praise for Dion, I doubt he has any for Iggy.

NDPP

Liberal Insecurities

http://www.ottawasun.com/comment/columnists/greg_weston/2010/05/12/13926...

"Nanos Research, which regularly tracks public perceptions of the various political leaders, recently found Ignatieff trailing both the PM and even Jack Layton on issues of trust and vision for Canada. In fact pollster NiK Nanos says the results show a level of voter disgust not seen since the sponsorship scandal.."

a plague on all their houses..

nicky

I think some posts reflect an undue complacency that a majority is beyond the reach of the Conservatives.

We forget how close they came last time. 143 seats plus Arthur out of 308. With Millliken as speaker they only needed 10 more for a majority. They missed 5 seats by less than 1%. They gained two seats in byelections recently so now only need 8 more seats.

 Obviously Harper called the election because he thought a majority was within his grasp and he was almost right. In my opinion the two main reasons he fell short were the resilience of the Bloq and the reduction of the Green vote by about a third in the last week.

We must also give the devil his due. Harper is a formidible strategist. Look how far he has brought his party already.He is targeting ethnic communities and has prospects of luring many away in crucial Toronto and Vancouver suburbs. He has a crushing money advantage and unashamedly augments this by government paid propaganda. he has been able to "define" Ignatieff pejoratively.

If the new redistribution goes through before the next election, the Conservatives will have anpther advantage. I wrote this in a recent different thread:

The new redistribution bill may well help the Conservatives towards their majoity. Presently they have 145 out of 308 seats plus the Independent Arthur who always votes with them and whom they did not oppose in the last election.

They will likely gain all 5 new Alberta seats. Of the 7 new BC seats, most would go to the Okanagan and the Fraser Valley where they are strong. So they stand to gain maybe 5 of these.

The 18 Ontario seats will be more competitive but I would guess the Conservatives stand to gain at least half of these. Few if any of the new seats would go to the Conservative wastelands of Northern Ontario and the City of Toronto. Most would go to the 905 region and perhaps Ottawa and Kitchener. (I would be interested in a more sophisticated analysis which I suspect Wilf Day has already done).

The bottom line is that the Conservatives stand to gain about 19 new seats and the opposition about 11. That would give the Conservatives effectively 165 seats out of 338 on the same vote as last time. They would only need  4 or 5 more for a majority , depending on who is the Speaker.

Unfortunately the new bill, however advantageous it may be to the Conservatives, is also equitable in repairing the imbalance in the Commons. It is hard to oppose except perhaps in that it diminishes Quebec's proportionate share of the seats by about three. Quebec has 23.1% of the population which would transalte into 78 seats instead of the 75 it would keep under the new proposal.

ottawaobserver

The redistribution bill changes the formula that would be used in a redistribution to allocate seats.  Redistributions only happen after a dicennial (?diennial?) census.  The next census one is not until 2011.  The last one took from 2001 to 2003 to translate into an actual redistribution.

I think your cautions are well worth taking to heart, though, Nicky.  A lot of the Conservatives' bump in support came at the expense of Liberals, who either switched to the Conservatives, or stayed home (thus increasing their share of the actual vote), but also from potential NDP-Conservative switchers in southwest Ontario.  If the Liberals collapse further, god knows where that vote goes, so we really have to hustle to stay competitive for it.  But I also like that the NDP is now actively targetting the Conservatives.  The public's mind is made up on Ignatieff, and that fight is already lost for them, so there's little to be gained attacking the Liberals any further, particularly if we want to win some of their support.

Stockholm

ottawaobserver wrote:

 A lot of the Conservatives' bump in support came at the expense of Liberals, who either switched to the Conservatives, or stayed home (thus increasing their share of the actual vote), but also from potential NDP-Conservative switchers in southwest Ontario. 

I think another phenomenon last election was that the NDP lost a lot of NDP-Conservative swing voters in BC at the very end. I doubt if the Tories will get anywhere near 45% of the vote in BC next time.

JKR

Lou Arab wrote:

JKR wrote:

Notice a major exception? Brian Mulroney from Quebec. They hated him so much they started a new Alberta based party that split up the right for over a decade.

Except of course that Albertans voted for Mulroney in overwhelming numbers in the two elections he contested, and it wasn't until the Conservatives were led by a westerner (K. Campbell) that they jumped ship.

Campbell was PM for less then a year. Albertans stopped supporting the PC Party long before Mulroney resigned.

Preston Manning formed the Reform Party long before Campbell came into power.

Krago

Russian Duke Craves Power in Canada

 

"Looking for a solution of a recent unprecedented for Canadian history parliamentary crisis, the Liberal Party addressed the country's governor general with a request to appoint the " aristocrat and his majesty Michael Grant Ignatieff" as an official responsible for forming alternative government."

JKR

Boom Boom wrote:

Layton and Duceppe would really have to hold their noses if they entered into a coalition with Iggy, and in the highly unlikely event it were to happen, they'd better have conditions for their support written down on paper. Layton had praise for Dion, I doubt he has any for Iggy.

If their only other alternative is continuing on with Harper, I think Layton and Duceppe would jump at the chance of coming to some kind of agreement with Ignatieff.

Layton, Duceppe, and Ignatieff, are all so fed up with Harper, that Harper's only sure way of staying in power is to get a majority.

For what it's worth, here's my prediction: If Harper doesn't win 140 or more seats in the next election the Liberals, NDP, and BQ, will all vote against the Harper government's throne speech. The NDP and BQ will then not enter into a coalition with the Liberals but they'll get some major concessions from the new Liberal minority government that include electoral reform and set election dates that preclude an early resolution of the government. These are two of the key provisos in the UK coalition.

Krago

JKR wrote:

For what it's worth, here's my prediction: If Harper doesn't win 140 or more seats in the next election the Liberals, NDP, and BQ, will all vote against the Harper government's throne speech. The NDP and BQ will then not enter into a coalition with the Liberals but they'll get some major concessions from the new Liberal minority government that include electoral reform and set election dates that preclude an early resolution of the government. These are two of the key provisos in the UK coalition.

Why in God's name would the BQ push for electoral reform?  That doesn't make any sense.

ETA: They would push for a guarantee for Quebec to receive 25% of the seats in the House of Commons in perpetuity.

Augustus

Stockholm wrote:

ottawaobserver wrote:

 A lot of the Conservatives' bump in support came at the expense of Liberals, who either switched to the Conservatives, or stayed home (thus increasing their share of the actual vote), but also from potential NDP-Conservative switchers in southwest Ontario. 

I think another phenomenon last election was that the NDP lost a lot of NDP-Conservative swing voters in BC at the very end. I doubt if the Tories will get anywhere near 45% of the vote in BC next time.

You've posted this prediction several times now.

You may be right, but you may not.  The bottom line in B.C. will be the seat count, though.  If the NDP can't win back Vancouver Island North and Surrey North, a decrease in the popular vote won't mean a whole lot in terms of seats.

Same thing goes for the Liberals.  If they want to win ridings like North Vancouver back they will have to make an effort.

ottawaobserver

If the HST is anywhere near the election campaign as an issue, the Conservatives will be fighting an uphill battle in marginal Conservative-NDP seats in the Interior, like Kamloops, and Kootenay-Columbia, and who knows maybe even Cariboo-Prince George, along with Vancouver Island North.

Stockholm is right that the candidates fiasco last time cost us a few points in BC (and elsewhere, but certainly there), which I should have mentioned.

I'm having trouble seeing the kinds of issues that would put the Liberals over the top in North Van or West Van-Sunshine Coast.  I doubt they can take Richmond back, and will be lucky to hold Vancouver South in my view.  I have no feel for Newton-North Delta, but Sukh Dhaliwal seems ok there from what I can tell for the Libs.

Stockholm

I'd also like to see the NDP take dead aim at DOCTOR PROFESSOR Keith Martin in Esquimalt-Juan de Fuca. He shoudl be given an award for being the most unctuous, sanctimonious and at the same time hypocritical and opportunistic MP in Canadian politics. That seat is natural NDP territory, we just need to get rid of DOCTOR PROFESSOR.

Lou Arab Lou Arab's picture

Augustus wrote:

You may be right, but you may not.  The bottom line in B.C. will be the seat count, though.  If the NDP can't win back Vancouver Island North and Surrey North, a decrease in the popular vote won't mean a whole lot in terms of seats.

And if it rains, I'll get wet. Unless I stay inside. 

This statement is pretty blindly obvious.  What's your point? 

The Conservatives won both of those seats pretty narrowly, and if their vote goes down in BC, I think these will be among the first Tory seats to be lost.

KenS

Persichilli: Michael Ignatieff's 25 per cent problem 

Persichilli is always trying to stir things up within the Liberal party to get Iggy dumped. So one has to take the actual content of his diatribes with a big dose of salt. 

What I found interesting was: "Liberals are resigned to another defeat, as long as the Conservatives don't win a majority government."

Just another Liberal stuck in the exitless loop of no governing for them without getting a majority.

Knock, knock, knock: Iggy may well be making things worse, but you couldnt plan for getting a majority anyway. If not getting a majority is the measure of failure, then you can only fail.

ottawaobserver

If the Liberals get Ignatieff to resign and launch another leadership campaign, the national media will give them another year or so of messianic benefit-of-the-doubt honeymoon coverage.

It will consume all the party's resources to do it, unfortunately.

Stockholm

It's now ben almost six months since the great game changing event occurred. I refer of course to PETER DONOLO, ther omniscient, omnipotent, miracle worker who can make a purese out of any sow's ear - taking over as Iggy Chief of Staff. Supposedly, DONOLO was going to be a GAME CHANGER and would revolutionize the DON-OLO.

Where is the evidence that the Liberals and Iggy are doing any better now than before the "GREAT DONOLO" came into the picture?

Steve_Shutt Steve_Shutt's picture

Krago wrote:

JKR wrote:

For what it's worth, here's my prediction: If Harper doesn't win 140 or more seats in the next election the Liberals, NDP, and BQ, will all vote against the Harper government's throne speech. The NDP and BQ will then not enter into a coalition with the Liberals but they'll get some major concessions from the new Liberal minority government that include electoral reform and set election dates that preclude an early resolution of the government. These are two of the key provisos in the UK coalition.

Why in God's name would the BQ push for electoral reform?  That doesn't make any sense.

ETA: They would push for a guarantee for Quebec to receive 25% of the seats in the House of Commons in perpetuity.

I can actually think if a few reasons why the Bloc would be supportive of PR.  One is principled.  Going back to the days of Rene Lesveque, the PQ and later the Bloc have been strong democrats.  That may have weakend under Parizeau but I think the current Bloc leadership continues to stand by its democratic principles.  The second reason is strategic.  It is far more important for the Bloc's interests to preserve a situation where they continue to hold influence as opposed to seats.  70 Bloc seats facing a Tory majority is of less interest to the Bloc than the influence they might hold in a situation where they have only 35 seats but their votes are the difference between passing or dumping legislation.

 

Stockholm

"I can actually think if a few reasons why the Bloc would be supportive of PR.  One is principled.  Going back to the days of Rene Lesveque, the PQ and later the Bloc have been strong democrats."

Yet, even though it was part of the PQ platform to support PR back in the early 70s, they never lifted a finger to move forward on it when they had majority governments 1976-1985 or 1995-2003. I suppose partly because the PQ tends to benefit from first past the post since the Liberals tend to "waste" so many votes in non-francophone ridings etc...

You do have a point about how the BQ could in some ways be more influential with PR since minority parliaments would be guaranteed in perpetuity and the BQ would almost always get at least a third (ie: 25) of Quebec's seats. BUT, with PR there would be a vastly better chance of parties being able to form coalitions excluding the BQ. For example, in the 2008 election, if we had had PR the Liberals, NDP and Greens would have had a majority of seats on their own and there would have been no reason to bother touching the "plutonium" of the BQ.

Lard Tunderin Jeezus Lard Tunderin Jeezus's picture

But there would be some advantage to the separatist project to show the isolation of Quebec under such circumstances. I would hope that most parties would understand the danger of treating the Bloc in such a manner.

Stockholm

What manner is that? The BQ has never been part of a coalition government federally nor does it have any desire to.

Lard Tunderin Jeezus Lard Tunderin Jeezus's picture

In the manner one treats 'plutonium', as toxic and untouchable. Did I somehow misread your last sentence in post #87?

Stockholm

Unfortunately, as we learned last year - whether we like it or not any FORMAL agreement with the Bloc Quebecois is political plutonium outside Quebec. I wish it were not so - but the world as it is and not as it should be.

If we had proportional representation, then it would be easy to form governments without having to deal with horrific optics of involving the BQ. Quite frankly, the BQ doesn't WANT to be included anyways. They have had no formal role in government since they entered the house in the early 90s. They desire no formal role in government. That's the way they like it.

Duceppe even understands that he's plutonium outside Quebec. In December 2008, he apparently even suggested to the Liberals and NDP that maybe he should not be in the coalition signing ceremony with Dion and Layton because he knew that it would look really bad in English Canada - and he was right.

Lard Tunderin Jeezus Lard Tunderin Jeezus's picture

I would suggest it had as much to do with playing to his audience at home. Duceppe did not want to be seen as formally allied with any federalists.

Stockholm

Duceppe may be a lot of things but he's not stupid - he knows that his party is hated outside Quebec. The last thing Duceppe was worying about was what his own audience would think. He was willing to make a deal to make Stephane Dion PM, the father of the Clarity Act, a man who is about as popular (not) as Trudeau in Quebec nationalist circles. 

I think its an undeniable FACT that having to include the BQ creates a major complication for any opposition deal to get rid of the Tories. If we had three parties in parliament instead of four - it would be a no-brainer for the Liberals and NDP to make a deal to ditch a Conservative party that was so much as one seat short of a majority.

Lard Tunderin Jeezus Lard Tunderin Jeezus's picture

I think this proves my point rather than supporting your denial:

Quote:
... a deal to make Stephane Dion PM, the father of the Clarity Act, a man who is about as popular (not) as Trudeau in Quebec nationalist circles.

Stockholm

First of all, as far as Quebec was concerned - whether Duceppe was in a photo op with Dion or not - there was no getting away from what was happening - but Duceppe (according to Brian Topp's book "How we almost gave the Tories the boot" was specifically concerned that his presence in the picture might be damaging in English Canada. If Duceppe had any concerns about what it would do to his own image - all he had to do was refuse to be in the same room with Dion.

There is no getting away from the fact that the BQ is a deeply unpopular party in English Canada and that having to even give the appearance of including them indirectly in government is a major problem. I wish this was not the case - but it is and I think someone would have t be delusional to try to deny it.

no1important

I do not see it. It will be a big mistake not to. The liberals are a sinking ship with a leader staying on for selfish reasons and the party not knowing what to do. Sounds like the BC NDP too....

 

If the libs had a descent leader they would be ahead of Harper in the polls.  Harper is in the low 30 to mid 30 range and it is like the people are waiting for the libs to get their act together.

KenS

The Liberals problems are deeper than their leader, and they know it even if you dont.

Sean in Ottawa

KenS wrote:

The Liberals problems are deeper than their leader, and they know it even if you dont.

You give them more credit for self-awareness than I do.

KenS

Yes, I was aware I might sound like giving them more credit than intended. Oh well.

Correction: even the Liberal brain trust doesnt seem to know how deep their problems are, but most of them do know enough to realize that as much a dissapointment as Iggy is, switching leaders isn't going to solve their problems, and switching leaders now is a recipe for having even more problems.

Sean in Ottawa

Ok Ken -- I have to agree with that. Nice, condensed and accurate. Well done!

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