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The term “gaslighting” has made a comeback in the public discourse in recent years, and many people, including yours truly, are thankful for this. Once I learned what the word meant, I started noticing gaslighters in my sphere and realized that I should be careful not to let them into my inner circle. It’s just too bad that I can’t keep all the gaslighters away.
Gaslighting describes the practice of making someone question their perception of reality in order to control and abuse them for the perpetrator’s benefit. The term is often talked about in the context of relationships, romantic or other, and usually refers to individual behaviors. But what happens when an entire group acts as gaslighters? Or worse, when an entire society becomes the victim of gaslighting?
Palestinians attend funeral for PA critic Nizar Banat in Hebron
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Palestinians protest Abbas, PA following killing of Nizar Banat
General strike on both sides of the Green Line called for to protest the killing of PA critic Nizar Banat.
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Palestinian activist and government critic Nizar Banat died on Thursday after Palestinian security forces arrested and violently beat him, his family said.
The officers raided Banat’s uncle’s residence in the city of Dura, southwest of Hebron, where the father of five had been taking shelter for the past two months, after receiving threats from leaders in the ruling Fatah party over his scathing criticism of the Palestinian Authority and its officials.
Before PA President Mahmoud Abbas called off parliamentary elections in April, Banat ran as a candidate of the Freedom and Dignity list. Banat was a harsh critic of Abbas and other senior officials and Fatah figures, whom he would sometimes call out by name. He expressed opposition to the leadership’s security coordination with Israel and accused the PA of corruption. He posted weekly videos on his social media channels, the most recent of which was a 6-minute clip from earlier this week in which he vehemently attacked the PA over its now-cancelled COVID-19 vaccine deal with Israel.
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In 2003, at the height of the Second Intifada, the Israeli government passed an emergency order titled “The Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law (Emergency Order).” Since then, the legislation has taken on many names: the family reunification law, the demographic balance law, the “security threat” law. But the goal of this law has remained the same: to prevent Palestinians in the West Bank or Gaza from marrying Arab citizens of Israel, and thus obstructing their path to Israeli citizenship.
The so-called Citizenship Law harms thousands of Palestinian families in Israel. It has been renewed every year since its passing — until this year. The order is set to expire on July 6, and currently the government does not have the parliamentary majority to re-extend it. While several MKs from the center-left Meretz and Labor parties have made their opposition to the order clear, it is unclear how they will vote next week when the law comes up for a vote in the Knesset.
Over the past few weeks, the town of Beita in the occupied West Bank, home to about 18,000 residents, has become one of the most prominent faces of the Palestinian struggle against Israeli settler land takeovers.
In May, a month after an Israeli was shot dead by Palestinians at the nearby Tapuach Junction, settlers established the outpost of Eviatar on land that belongs to Beita, as well as three other Palestinian villages. The settlers of Eviatar got to work quickly, paving roads and building dozens of structures while receiving protection and even active assistance from the Israeli military
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Palestinian journalist Faten Elwan is used to reporting in dangerous conditions. During the Second Intifada in the early 2000s, she faced Israeli tanks and helicopters. She was shot twice by Israeli soldiers while on the job — once while covering events in the West Bank city of Ramallah, and again in the city of Nablus. But for the first time, Elwan says she fears for her safety.
Since the killing of outspoken government critic Nizar Banat on June 24 under the custody of Palestinian Authority security forces, who violently arrested him in his relatives’ home near Hebron, thousands of Palestinians have taken to the streets across the occupied West Bank to protest against the PA, viewing the government as corrupt and authoritarian.
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At the stroke of midnight between Tuesday and Wednesday, one of Israel’s most draconian, anti-Palestinian laws will expire, enabling thousands of Palestinians in the occupied territories to apply to reunite and live with their spouses and families inside Israel, and to begin their path to gaining Israeli citizenship.
The Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law — commonly known as the Ban on Family Unification — is an emergency order that has been extended on a yearly basis by every successive Israeli government since its implementation in 2003, during the Second Intifada. The newly sworn-in government, however, failed to extend the order with a simple majority during a raucous Knesset session that lasted well into the early hours of Monday morning. The law’s expiration will allow Palestinians who for years have been denied one of their most basic human rights to restart the process of seeking permanent residency with their loved ones in Israel.
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On Wednesday morning, in temperatures reaching past 104 degrees Fahrenheit, Israeli forces demolished the Palestinian village of Khirbet Humsa in the occupied West Bank for the sixth time in less than a year.
Israeli military and Civil Administration forces arrived at the Jordan Valley village at around 7 a.m. and began dismantling residents’ tents, confiscating them and loading them — along with their contents — onto an army truck. The truck then deposited the equipment over seven miles away. The IDF brought civilian buses to the site where the residents’ homes and belongings had been unloaded; however, the residents did not board the vehicles for fear that they were going to be expelled even further away. Instead, they fled for the hills and stayed until the army had left, around 6 p.m.
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Municipality forces 4 families and groom to be to demolish their homes East Jerusalem July 2021
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Since the killing of activist and government critic Nizar Banat under Palestinian police custody two weeks, hundreds have been gathering in West Bank cities like Ramallah, Hebron, and Bethlehem to protest what many have described as Banat’s “assassination” and to call for the resignation of Mahmoud Abbas, the president of the Palestinian Authority. The protests have been violently met by the PA’s U.S.- and EU-trained and funded security forces, seeing the longstanding simmering tensions between the denizens of the occupied West Bank and the PA come to the fore.
Along with its iconic fundraising box, known as the “Blue Box,” one of the enduring symbols of the Jewish National Fund (JNF) is a 1930s children’s song by the Russian-born Jewish poet Yehoshua Friedman, titled “An Acre Here and an Acre There”:
Let me tell you this my girl,
And you as well dear lad,
How in the Land of Israel
We are redeeming the land:
Acre here and acre there,
Clod by earthen clod –
The nation’s land is thus reclaimed
Eternally from north to south.
… Wait, barren Zion
Wait a little while,
Redeemed you’ll be forever
By the National Fund.
The “redemption of the land” referenced in the poem is the Zionist expression for the common cause of purchasing land for the establishment of exclusively Jewish settlements — a project to which many contribute, each according to their means. The JNF characterizes its “fundraising project…[as being] founded entirely on the small donations of many small individuals, drop by tiny drop that turns into a sea, coin by precious coin accumulated into a joint force that enabled the redemption of the lands.” This propaganda effort once painted a picture of a barren land, a nation united in its intent, and the “redemption of land” as a legitimate economic transaction.
Israeli soldiers assisted by settlers violently arrest Palestinian and assault residents in Hebron
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Israeli settlers throw stones at Palestinians, soldiers raid Palestinian home, in central Hebron.
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Nidal Safadi was a quiet man, his neighbors said. He lived in Urif, a Palestinian village of several thousand people in the West Bank. Just 25, Safadi had three children with his wife and a fourth, a girl, on the way.
Urif is not always quiet. With the Palestinian city of Nablus less than 10 miles away, the occupying Israeli military established a base on a nearby hilltop in 1983. A year later, it was turned over to civilian purposes: part of Israel’s illegal settlement program in the Palestinian territories. Since 2000, the settlement, called Yitzhar, has been home to a yeshiva known for its hard-line Jewish nationalist views; the settlement has become known for its extremism. The so-called outpost settlements it has spurred — illegal even by Israeli law, but nonetheless defended by the Israel Defense Forces — have gradually encroached on villages like Urif. Over the past 10 years, settler aggressions have given rise to violent recriminations between the Israelis and Palestinians living nearby.
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