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“Neither Settler nor Native: The Making and Unmaking of Permanent Minorities,” by Mahmood Mamdani, Harvard University Press, 2020.
The “Unity Intifada” which began in May has lent a great sense of urgency to discussions around the future of Palestine. Analysts and activists are increasingly debating the adoption of a rights-based approach to counter the outdated two-state paradigm, spotlighting Israel’s apartheid regime and what it means for Palestinian aspirations. Alternative political solutions are being proposed to end the impasse of the “peace process,” and to reverse or at least halt the settler-colonial policies that oppress the native Palestinian population. These include advocacy for new configurations, such as a confederation and various forms of a one-state solution.
For the second time in two years, a major international education company has withdrawn two British school textbooks on Middle East history, in response to accusations of bias regarding their Israel-Palestine content. Pearson, which also oversees national exams for 14- to 16-year-olds in the U.K., announced the decision on June 8 after an independent review by two British academics found “dangerously misleading” pro-Israel bias in the books.
The content in question was added to the textbooks in apparent consultation with British pro-Israel groups after they claimed the materials contained anti-Israel bias, echoing charges leveled at books used in the Palestinian school curriculum, and reflecting intensifying global efforts to remove content deemed critical of Israel from widely-used educational materials.
Wow, the victors always manage to re-write history to suit their favoured narrative. I know that when I went to school, Israel was always presented as a beacon of hope in our history text books. This is back in the 1970s.
Israeli spyware used to target journalists, activists: Report
Calls grow for Israel’s NSO to be held to account over spyware
First Palestinian Weightlifter to Compete at the Olympics
Khirbet Humsah: Israel confiscates tent of family expelled from its home and demolishes reservoir
Pegasus spyware: Up to 40 journalists targeted | DW News
On June 1, Israeli settlers attacked the village of Tuba in the occupied West Bank and burned all the hay my family had bought to feed our sheep. Food that was supposed to last a whole year was burned in just two hours.
Settler violence is only part of the occupation’s colonial strategy to take over our land. The Israeli military demolishes our homes during the day, and the settlers destroy our livelihood during the night.
As I stood there watching the fire, I felt isolated, helpless, and oppressed. While I was relieved that my family was physically safe, we were emotionally devastated. We were terrified. We rushed to stop the fire from spreading to more of the hay, to make sure our children and our sheep were safe, and to try and save what we could.
Israel Accuses Ben and Jerry's of TERRORISM?!?
How vulnerable are we to spying technology? | Inside Story
Can US Law & the Israeli Government Force Ben & Jerry’s to Support Occupation? W/ Lara Friedman
Ben & Jerry's Stops Selling Ice Cream In Occupied Palestinian Territory, Hoes Mad
New exhibit in Tel Aviv shows unrecognised Palestinian villages
When Michael Sappir moved to Leipzig, Germany, in 2019, he knew he wanted to get involved in the local left-wing scene. But as a Jewish Israeli who spent years taking part in activism against the Israeli occupation back home, he was surprised to discover that being a leftist in Germany often meant giving fealty to the State of Israel and contributing to vicious attacks on supporters of the Palestinian cause. Those attacks in the city, he says, had mostly come from activists associated with or inspired by “Antideutsch,” a movement which has historically been part of Germany’s radical left yet which unconditionally sides with Israel. For Sappir, the dissonance between the German left’s purported values and their skewed stance on Palestinian rights needed to be addressed.
Pegasus Project: Malware used against journalists and dissidents | The Listening Post
In the blazing summer months, it is no wonder that Ben & Jerry’s decision to stop selling products in Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank has put Israelis in a sticky situation. Let’s be honest: who doesn’t crave ice cream in this sweltering weather, and especially when there are so many excellent vegan options?
As Israel Ganz, the head of the Mateh Binyamin Regional Council, which governs over 45 settlements in the West Bank, put it: “The Israeli government cannot allow a situation in which a large international corporation boycotts half a million citizens of the country.” Violating the natural right of every person, irrespective of religion, race, or sex, to a bite of Chunky Monkey is unforgivable.
The System & Soldiers Behind Settler Violence
The horrific killing of the activist and outspoken critic Nizar Banat at the hands of Palestinian Authority security forces, and the subsequent brutal crackdown and arbitrary arrests of Palestinian protesters, activists, and journalists, have widened the debate among Palestinians about the PA’s place within Israel’s occupation regime.
What makes the latest debate particularly significant is that it has attracted a considerable segment of apolitical and depoliticized Palestinians. Illusionary slogans of “state-building” are being blatantly rejected by more and more Palestinians. On social media and in public discussions, it has become common to label the PA as “collaborators” and its security forces as the “guardian of Israeli settlements,” while ridiculing the success of the “national project” depicted by PA apologists. Perhaps most strikingly, much of the Palestinian public today openly perceives the PA as an extension of Israeli colonial rule that is incapable of advancing their struggle. And they are correct.
Israeli settlers torch pastureland and cave; soldiers escort them, a-Tuwani and Khirbet Sarurah
In the annals of Israel’s attempted expulsion of Palestinian shepherding communities in the occupied West Bank, bureaucracy, air-conditioned offices, and courtrooms take center stage. The hearings held by the Israeli High Court, which routinely sanctions the government’s expulsion policy and the Civil Administration’s demolition orders, may not be as dramatic a sight as a bulldozer ripping apart tents and water tanks, or a crane hoisting their debris and depositing it in a truck. But these justices, politicians, and generals are the ones who hold the ultimate responsibility for this destruction and suffering.
Still, sometimes, a single image from the ground can capture a moment that sums up Israel’s entire policy of persecution against some of the most underprivileged Palestinian communities in the West Bank, the sole purpose of which is to drive them to despair, force them out of their homes and communities, and take over their land. It is a moment that brings everything into stark relief, as clear as the scorching summer sun beating down on the Jordan Valley.
Palestinian Authority shuts down West Bank media organisation
Are arms manufacturers complicit in war crimes?| DW Documentary
Palestinian Liberation & Leadership: What’s Next?
Ron DeSantis SANCTIONS Ben & Jerry's?!?
Palestinian radio reporter Akil Awawdeh was covering a protest in Ramallah on the evening of July 5 when Palestinian security officers began dispersing the gathering with excessive force. The officers attacked and severely wounded Awawdeh, who was then arrested and detained. He was beaten again in custody and denied medical treatment for almost two hours, he said.
Dima Amin, an activist and medical doctor who was also detained that same night, witnessed Awawdeh’s beating. She said she warned the officers that he was losing consciousness. “I looked at Akil, who was in very bad shape, and told them to stop and allow me to help him,” she said. “I felt like he was dying at their hands.”
As Palestinian demonstrators assembled in the streets of Ramallah, Hebron, and other West Bank cities last month, a familiar, but perhaps unexpected, rallying cry rose from the crowds: “The people want the fall of the regime.” The trigger for the protests was the June 24 killing of Nizar Banat, a prominent activist and frequent critic of the Palestinian Authority, while in the custody of Palestinian security forces. While Banat’s funeral attracted thousands in Hebron, protesters in Ramallah chanted “fall, fall, military regime.” It was PA police officers who shoved fellow Palestinians in the streets, struck protestors with batons, attacked journalists, and harassed female demonstrators and observers.
But regimes are systems, not individuals, and many have argued that the system that enabled agents of the PA to carry out these violations is the same one that targets Palestinians confined in the blockaded Gaza Strip with devastating aerial bombardment; threatens thousands of Palestinians in East Jerusalem with expulsion; repeatedly demolishes the homes, classrooms, and critical facilities of Palestinian Bedouins in the Jordan Valley; and confronts Palestinian citizens of Israel with, alternatively, state neglect or mass arrests. It is one of racial discrimination and gradual ethnic cleansing that has been a dominant feature of Israeli politics since the birth of the state.
Israeli sniper fatally shoots Malek Hamdan (20) while Palestinians throw stones at soldiers
Pegasus: Flying on the wings of Israeli ‘cyber-tech diplomacy’? | The Listening Post
No one would have thought that two Jewish senior citizens from Vermont would become the new faces of terrorism in Israel — yet it seems that is exactly what Israeli leaders and their supporters want you to believe. Ben Cohen and Jerry Greenfield, the two owners of Ben & Jerry’s Ice Cream, are currently being branded as antisemites and even being accused of “economic terrorism” after their company, from which they have long retired, announced it would no longer be selling its products in Israeli settlements in the occupied territories, as required by international law.
The overreaction by Israeli officials is not unusual, nor is it an excess of emotion on their part. Rather, their furious response is a deliberate, proven strategy to deter any attempt at promoting corporate accountability around the occupation. In 2018, the rental company AirBnB took a similar decision to stop listing spaces located in Israeli settlements through their app. The outcry was similar to the current one against Ben & Jerry’s, with various lawsuits filed against the company claiming the move constituted discrimination. A few months later, AirBnB rescinded their policy.
Israeli Supreme Court to rule on Palestinian evictions in East Jerusalem | DW News
Israeli settlers attack Palestinians & Soldiers escorting them fire at them, South Hebron Hills
On June 26, during a settler attack on the village of a-Tuwani in the South Hebron Hills, a Jewish Israeli settler grabbed a weapon from an Israeli soldier and fired it at Palestinians. Local activists documented the incident on video, which was distributed by Israeli anti-occupation group B’Tselem.
“A group of settlers were hurling stones at our home,” said Jum’a Reb’i, a resident of a-Tuwani. At the same time, one of the settlers moved toward a military jeep that was at the scene and spoke to a soldier, who gave the settler his weapon, continued Reb’i. “Immediately after that, the settler stood before us and fired three bullets — directly at my house. I was very frightened, and was shaking. I tried to hide my children inside the rooms of the house. One soldier removed the shooter back toward the forest. The bullet missed my wife by only a few centimeters.
Israeli Soldiers killing 11- year old Muhammad Abu Sarah al Alami, 28 July 2021
Wave of Israeli-ordered demolitions in East Jerusalem and al-Quds District, June-July 2021
‘They Came Here to Attack Arabs.’ Welcome to Life in Israel’s ‘Mixed Cities’
Hezbollah launches rocket fire in response to Israeli air raids
Palestinian students celebrate exam results after challenging time
Full Ep 21. Reclaiming Arab Judaism with Hadar Cohen
When Ghaidaa Qudaih graduated from university, she was one of countless Palestinian woman trying to eke out a living in the grinding poverty that surrounded her in the Gaza Strip. When she discovered how hard it was going to be to find a job, even with a degree in business, she realized she would have to take matters into her own hands.
Qudaih is one of three young Palestinian women from Gaza who helped establish Green Girls, a women-run agricultural project to help fight unemployment and poverty among women in Gaza.
“We wanted to bring the Palestinian back to the land. Many young people are leaving or want to leave the Gaza Strip, and we have this asset, the land,” said Qudaih, who teamed up with Aseel Najjar and Nadine Abu Rok — all of them from the village of Khuza’a near Khan Yunis, to form the collective.
Israeli jets launch air raids on southern Lebanon | AJ #shorts
Israeli settlers stone Palestinian shepherds in front of soldier, Khirbet Susiya, 30 June 2021
In 1974, a small group of American Jewish leftists who considered themselves Zionists, named Breira, called for a two-state solution as a path to resolving to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The idea of a Palestinian state standing alongside a Jewish state was not unprecedented; nearly three decades earlier, it had been endorsed by the UN General Assembly through the 1947 Partition Plan. But at the time of Breira’s emergence, this position was viewed as so radical that, by 1976, the group was effectively crushed by the American Jewish establishment.
Shortly afterward, in 1978, the organization Peace Now was formed in Israel, offering liberal Zionists an ostensible movement toward a two-state solution. Like Breira, Peace Now was also considered out of the Israeli mainstream in its early years, and most liberal Zionists did not sign on. But by the 1980s, the two-state solution slowly made its way into the belly of the liberal Zionist base. By the end of that decade, it became its dogma, and by the 2000s, its raison d’etre.
Israeli settlers escorted by soldiers attack homes in Qusrah and torch chicken coops, May 2021
Israel demolishes homes in Badu al-Mu’arrajat area in the Jourdan Valley, 5 August 2021
Conscientious objectors in Israel - choosing prison over the military | DW Documentary
Israeli forces ramp up raids on Palestinian NGOs
The world's grandest luxury hotels (2/4) - the American Colony Hotel in Jerusalem | DW Documentary
Israel’s governing coalition is today home to two solidly right-wing parties, Yamina and New Hope, headed by two men who believe in the concept of a Greater Israel stretching from the river to the sea. Prime Minister Naftali Bennett entered the national political scene after heading the Yesha Council — the umbrella organization that attends to the needs of West Bank settlements — and after years of challenging Benjamin Netanyahu and his Likud party from the right. Justice Minister and former Likudnik Gideon Sa’ar, who originally began his political journey with Tehiya, an ultranationalist party founded in the 1970s, was always considered a hawk and an outright supporter of annexation.
Yet in the lead-up to the new government, or perhaps immediately after its formation, both Bennett and Sa’ar seemed to have given up on the idea of West Bank annexation, whether full or partial. Instead, they have adopted a different strategy: “shrinking the conflict.”
As an act of solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza who are still recovering from the latest war in May, Palestinian citizens of Israel and Jewish Israelis launched a donation campaign that gathered 3,300 boxes of aid to the residents of the strip. The five trucks left Monday morning from the village of Kufr Qara in Israel and entered the Gaza Strip through the Kerem Shalom Crossing, the only commercial crossing between Israel and Gaza.
The campaign began two and a half months ago at the end of the 11-day war, and at the initiative of Palestinian citizens who wanted to help the residents of Gaza. The donations, which include clothing, footwear, toys, school bags, and food items, were collected without organizational affiliation, and included the participation of hundreds of people. More than 100 drop-off points were set up across the country, and a sorting center was established in Kufr Qara.