In his Massey Lectures entitled The Malaise of Modernity (outside Canada, The Ethics of Authenticity) McGill political philosopher Charles Taylor asks us to reflect on the importance of “authenticity” to social practice. Drawing on Aristotle, Taylor characterizes authentic human relationships as constituting the best about human existence.

In everything we do authentic experience matters: in what we eat, the way we live, love, enjoy, and take pleasure; and how we work, and interact with each other. Taylor suggests we find our true self in recognizing and being recognized by others. The philosopher (and four time Montreal area NDP candidate in the 1960s) wants us to take politics seriously as a social practice.

At one time populism embodied an authentic approach to politics. Imagine people outraged at banks, the 50 big shots who run Canada, the indifference of governments to the plight of dispossessed farm communities, and demanding action. It happened in the 1930s in Alberta with Social Credit, and in Saskatchewan with the CCF.

Echoes of that terrible Depression period were present decades later, in the populist call for Canadians to throw out the arrogant Liberals, issued by Saskatchewan Conservative John George Diefenbaker in his triumphant campaign of 1958, and in the speeches of T.C. (Tommy) Douglas, Saskatchewan CCF premier (1944-1961), as the first leader of the NDP (1961-71).

Today, electoral populism is generated more by the revolt of the rich, than by ordinary people rising up as one against elites. As reported by the New Yorker, the rise of the Tea Party in the U.S. was financed by two multi-billionaires. In Canada, the Reform party, the main precursor to the Harper Conservatives, was funded by Alberta businessmen.

Populists play on the real hardships people face. Unemployment, or under-employment, poor wages, stagnating incomes, losing ground in the struggle to survive, generates plenty of anger. Directing blame against government is a stock in trade for all populists.

The 1930s CCF populists got elected, re-elected, and changed the culture of the province. Uranium mines, the discovery of oil, and potash changed it again. The business-friendly Saskatchewan Conservatives reached back in provincial historical memory to whip up populist appeal, and oppose the takeover of Potash Corp.

Reform founder Preston Manning was the son of the long-time Social Credit premier of Alberta. Taking power in the 1935, Social Credit had its base in a genuine protest movement. Under William Aberhart, its indictments of eastern Canadian banks and the government in Ottawa had wide support. In 1947, when oil was discovered in Leduc, Alberta, under Ernest Manning (Aberhart’s chosen successor) the province began its conversion into a petroleum state. The one-time populist premier went on to serve Bay Street as a bank director (at CIBC), and to Ottawa as a senator.

The Harper Conservatives have a pretend populist script. Caucus members get to read from it, day after day in the House of Commons, either as statements by members preceding Question Period, or as answers by ministers. It is hard to miss because the party features in its all encompassing “messaging.”

The Harper party talks incessantly about the Liberals and the NDP as the “coalition partners.” This is coming from a minority government which has required opposition support to survive, and has been in an silent coalition with the Liberals since Stéphane Dion was deposed as Liberal leader, most recently uniting with the official opposition on the need for extension of the Canadian mission to Afghanistan.

The Conservative front bench of former provincial ministers under Mike Harris in Ontario, John Baird, Tony Clement, and James Flaherty chortle and laugh at questions aimed their way. Instead of answers, they blather on about the “elites,” and the “tax and spend” Liberals. 

Egged on by the prime minister, the Conservatives want people to think cutting taxes is the main goal of a government, and that all parties should be judged on that basis. As a government, the Conservatives are in the uncomfortable position of not believing in government. How long can this be covered up?

The Harper Conservatives have generated no new support for their party. They prominently stand ready to have Canada become a military-led democracy, such as the one that prevails to the south. Their governing style is designed to distance themselves from the institutional framework of a democratic polity: the public service, program spending, diplomacy, and parliamentary practice.

A non-partisan group of young Canadians want to see more from parliamentary democracy not less. Canadians Advocating Political Participation is the successor to the online protest movement Canadians Against Proroguing Parliament. CAPP launched a campaign this past week calling for the reform of question period. The activists want to see more respect for the institution of parliament from its members.

What distinguishes real populism from “faux” populism is activism. Genuine political protest aims at political mobilization; the inauthentic variety aims at discrediting politics as a social practice.

Duncan Cameron writes weekly on politics and is president of rabble.ca.