NDP leadership 63

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AnonymousMouse

OnTheLeft:

Your post at #62 doesn't actually refute anything that I wrote.

Being in favour of progressive taxation does not mean you want to make the tax code MORE progressive and it certainly does not mean you want to raise taxes on high income earners.

A blog post about a meeting with Peggy Nash--without even a quote--does not provide any basis upon which to conclude that Peggy Nash is LITERALLY proposing to increase CBC funding by 3 to 6 times rather than making a rhetorical or blue sky reference to BBC funding levels. If Nash does make such a proposal, it would "massive" relative to the current funding levels of the CBC but not something that would set her campaign apart in the overall dynamics of the leadership race.

You seem to have a big problem with my using capital letters as you have mentioned it repeatedly. I respectfully disagree that there is anything wrong with using all caps to emphasize a point. You have frequently conflating phrases in a way that misses their meaning (e.g. "supports progressive taxation"="raise taxes on high income earners"), so emphasizing points of differentiation is important.

You have also repeatedly responded to things I've written sentence by sentence while ignoring that the blocks of text in question are only intend to make an important point when taken together. You also repeatedly offered responses such as "Whatever." or accusing me of "spinning" or of becoming emotional. If that's all you have to say in relation to a point I've made, please do not feel that you are under any obligation to respond to each and every thing that I've written.

Wilf Day

ottawaobserver wrote:

. . he (Mulcair) has several of the trade unionists in the new Quebec caucus, including Claude Patry up in the Saguenay, for example.

And for further examples: Robert Aubin, teachers' union rep for his high school, negotiated four collective agreements. (The teachers' unions are full partners in the labour movement in Quebec); Sylvain Chicoine, working two days a week for the union for security guards for six years, and member of the union executive; François Pilon, union local vice-president for seven years; did I miss any?

Malcolm wrote:

FWIW, SkinnyDipper's online poll now has Ashton edging out Dewar to finish third on the second last ballot. Mulcair has narrowed the final ballot to about 60 votes.

I give no credence to that online poll. But I will predict, with very little evidence, that Ashton would finish ahead of Dewar, as of today. She should get youth voters, while Dewar still has no caucus support, gets great sympathy but few first choices, and is hoping for miraculous progress towards French fluency. We'll see.

Bookish Agrarian wrote:

The next person who references it should have to donate $100 to the Conservatives as absolute punishment.

Even if I reference it only to give it no credence? Such cruel and unusual punishment should be prohibited by the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

KenS

And since Mulcair has explictly and repeatedly linked carbon pricing and the tar sands to help for eatern manufacturing jobs, take a guess where we can count on the dots being very effectively connected if Mulcair becomes leader.

 

NDP plans on economic cooling of its job killing carbon tax to drive down the Canadian dollar.

Fewer jobs in the West so there can be more jobs for Quebec.

 

Attack ads dont even have to have more than a shred of selective truth to them to be effective.

But we would be walking right into this one.

It is not very credible in the first place to argue that serious carbon pricing and the ending of subsidies for the tar sands is not going to cause net job losses in the west. But the coup de grace to that hope of credibility is holding out  as a benefit the decrease in the Candian dollar.

And there are plenty of textual references about the benefits to eastern manufacturing jobs.

 

Thats what you get when economics gets abstracted from the dymanic nature of politics and its messaging.

Malcolm Malcolm's picture

Howard wrote:

Also Malcolm, I wasn't expecting you to get defensive about my post about candidates dropping out, especially because I rank Ashton #5 (I like the number 5 for number of candidates), but I do think candidates do have some sense (at different points in the campaign) whether or not they might be able to pull off a top 3 finish. If the Ashton campaign think she has a serious shot at pulling off a top 3 finish, then she should stay in the hunt. Of course, the NDP is a bit of an odd fan club for moral victories...

 

Since the most unambiguous call for candidates to drop out had specifically included my candidate, you will understand my response.  Glad to know that you are not ranking her campaign hopeless then.

But I return to my essential point on this matter.  The most anyone knows at this point is a vague sense of where the candidates currently stand - and I adjudge that even that is so vague as to be practically meaningless.  No one knows more than a glimmer about where anyone will stand eleven weeks hence.  Eleven weeks out in 2009, most of us thought our candidate's best prospect was to narrowly pass Yens Pederson for third.  As someone who had a very senior role in that campaign, the first moment where I felt I had any reliable sense about where the candidates would finish was about four weeks out - and that was mostly inferred by the odd behaviour of a couple of senior Lingenfelter officials.

KenS

An attack ad message would be crafted more effectivley than my clumsy wording above- which is there to show the gift Mulcair has offered up.

It would not be hard for the Conservatives to aim that in a way that there would be no negative consequences in Ontario. And Harper Crew will keep writing off most of Quebec when there is a lot be gained in doing it.

Nor would that kind of attack just hurt us in the West. It would be used to open up further our existing vulnerabilities as economic managers... doing the opposite of what Mulcair is always saying we need to do: "We have to convince Canadians that we're capable of managing a G7 country"

Malcolm Malcolm's picture

Again, I agree that SkinnyDipper's poll has little analytical value and is mostly good as an idle entertainment.

Where I disagree with some of you is on the assumption that the vague prognostications of campaigns - particularly as leaked and spun to folk like David Akin - has any greater credibility.

flight from kamakura

malcolm - if we're thinking about government, really coming to power, we need to think about what leader can stand in front of the canadian and quebec people with the credibility to present and defend well-considered plans for pushing canada forward.  we need a pragmatic progressive touchstone, someone who can articulate - day in and day out - precisely how and why we should lead the country.  i don't under-estimate bob rae for a second, the guy is incredibly charismatic, and he's precisely at his best in the sort of conservative fatigue that we can pretty easily anticipate come next election.  what we need, for our next leader, is someone who'll utterly dominate the news with his attacks/presentation of alternatives to the current government; someone who'll lock down our quebec seats; someone who canadians can see leading the country; someone who, once elected, won't send turn a generation of voters against the ndp (as in 1990s bc and ontario). 

like i've said, i'm hard left, but we need to focus more on the long game, on shifting the political center in canada to something more in line with the political center in quebec or europe.  the next election is about consolidation, extinguishing the lpc, and a clear shot at power..  we can't, in our insistence on consistency and purity, elect a leader who'll see us relegated to irrelevance yet again - if jack has a legacy, it's this absurd, lucky, unexpected, and still completely logical re-ordering of quebec and urban voting patterns toward a more ideological turn.  we'll win government if we can convince these people to stick with us and then convince a few dozen suburban and rural seats that we're with them, rock solid.  the sask example is actually informative precisely in this way: when the party withers to the noyau dur, we lose.

ottawaobserver

If I believed for a second that "utterly dominating the news with attacks" is what would win the government, that would be one thing.

But I don't believe that's even the major requirement, and I don't think that attacking is the best mode for winning against these kinds of right-wingers.

Comparing the remaining pur-et-dur of the Saskatchewan section of the party to the folks who've run the last 3 federal elections is a big stretch. One of the things that killed the Liberals is that they kept changing horses and teams, and never built up any organizational memory and proficiency as a team.

Keeping the team together is a sine qua non for me now, along with someone who has more arrows in their strategic quiver than just attack, attack, attack.

Malcolm Malcolm's picture

flight from kamakura wrote:

malcolm - if we're thinking about government, really coming to power, we need to think about what leader can stand in front of the canadian and quebec people with the credibility to present and defend well-considered plans for pushing canada forward.  we need a pragmatic progressive touchstone, someone who can articulate - day in and day out - precisely how and why we should lead the country.  i don't under-estimate bob rae for a second, the guy is incredibly charismatic, and he's precisely at his best in the sort of conservative fatigue that we can pretty easily anticipate come next election.  what we need, for our next leader, is someone who'll utterly dominate the news with his attacks/presentation of alternatives to the current government; someone who'll lock down our quebec seats; someone who canadians can see leading the country; someone who, once elected, won't send turn a generation of voters against the ndp (as in 1990s bc and ontario). 

like i've said, i'm hard left, but we need to focus more on the long game, on shifting the political center in canada to something more in line with the political center in quebec or europe.  the next election is about consolidation, extinguishing the lpc, and a clear shot at power..  we can't, in our insistence on consistency and purity, elect a leader who'll see us relegated to irrelevance yet again - if jack has a legacy, it's this absurd, lucky, unexpected, and still completely logical re-ordering of quebec and urban voting patterns toward a more ideological turn.  we'll win government if we can convince these people to stick with us and then convince a few dozen suburban and rural seats that we're with them, rock solid.  the sask example is actually informative precisely in this way: when the party withers to the noyau dur, we lose.

 

That's all very nice.  Can you please explain to me what exactly it is you're responding to?  Because you are not responding to anything I have ever said on rabble since I first joined in March 2004.

Yes, we need to elect a leader that can face the nation in 2015.  Weher have I ever said otherwise, and what exatly does this have to do with anything I've said on this thread?  Suggesting that we do not yet know which candidates will finish in the top 3/5 is NOT the same as saying we should elect a leader who is feckless in the face of Conservative attack ads.  (And in any event, was there any logical reason to asume that Michael Ignatieff would prove so useless as a retail politican and so mealy mouthed in the face of negative ads?)

I've been advocating for, Oh, about 25 years now that the NDP needs to focus on the long game and be prepared to make incremental progress.

In other words, FFK, I don't know who or what you're responding to, but it sure in hell isn't to me or to anything I have ever written here (or anywhere else for that matter).

AnonymousMouse

OK, now we're getting somewhere. I feel this is an opportunity to take the discussion in a more productive direction.

KenS wrote:

@AM, Now you and I would not be the judge of what is too long, would we?

This is not a main point, but I think we need to put to bed whether there is anything new in Mulcair's recently announced cap and trade policy. This is actually bizarre, because I see no need to extend beyond the existing 5 year old NDP policy. You keep drawing on a skimpy little backgrounder that says very little. There is a sentence where it says extending what cap and trade applies to in "existing legislation". You say he is expanding on the existing NDP policy. But why then does the news release say "existing legislation". Legislation = the government's limited caap and trade. The NDP's policy is not legislation.

Ken, Ken, Ken, the backgrounder says "existing legislation", but as I am now posting for (I believe) the fifth or sixth time the PRESS RELEASE says "a new 'comprehensive cap and trade plan' that would build on the popular proposal New Democrats campaigned on during the last election". The "popular proposal New Democrats campaigned on during the last election" was essentially the same plan that was the proposed five years ago. Either way there is no way to interpret that phrase other than that Mulcair is proposing to extend existing NDP policies.

Of course, that is not the same question as whether he is proposing something new--which he is. Covering all major sources of emissions rather than just LFEs is clearly something new. That is important because it is a bold, smart, potentially politically risky and wildly progressive idea. If Mulcair were just repeating existing policy that would be fine, but it wouldn't tells us much about the man. This tells a lot about him (see the above adjectives).

KenS wrote:

This is bizarre because we dont need extending the existing NDP cap and trade policy. What we need is for the NDP to do more than wave it around, saying "cap and trade is better", or now that the government has a cap and trade plan "more cap and trade is better".

If Mulcair wants to tell NDP members that under him our cap and trade policy will get more prominence, he'll certainly have my attention... even without any more than that.

You have not established AM that Mulcair has said he is expanding our cap and trade policy. But this is crazy, because our policy does not need extension.

Since it's related, viz the comment by Howard- I'm not and would not question Mulcair's credentials as an environmentalist.

I don't think you're questioning Mulcair's credentials as an environmentalist, but I think a proposal as incredibly bold as this one tells us more about his willingness to embrace bold progressive policies than anything on the environment specifically.

That out of the way, you've made five points above:

1) That I haven't established that Mulcair is proposing extending our cap and trade policy

I've dealt with that above.

2) The government has a cap and trade plan

They don't that I'm aware of. The Harper government's plan is based on intensity targets, not caps. They use the words "hard cap" to refer to their (fictional) overall targets, but that is just an attempt to confuse people (it is unrelated to cap and trade). There is existing legislation that ALLOWS the government to regulate emissions from LFEs, but the Cons are not using it to regulate GHG emissions, only NOX ans SOX.

3) We don't need to extend our existing climate change plan beyond large final emitters

Yes. Yes, we do. Badly. Apart from the fact that only covering LFEs was a constant source of criticism from both environmentalists and economists, it was far from ideal policy. Better than what other parties had on offer, but far from ideal. I agree with your comment from any earlier post that a "caps and investment" approach (sticks and carrots) in needed--not because caps only cannot work, but because research has shown that investment in the development and adoption of new technology is more efficient than market forces alone. But we still need a market wide price on carbon. Only capping emissions from LFEs will be significantly less economically efficient. That means the cost of achieving any particular level of emission reductions will be higher than it has to be. With such a great and grave problem before us, we can hardly afford to make the solution more costly.

4) That "if Mulcair wants to tell NDP members that under him our cap and trade policy will get more prominence, he'll certainly have my attention"

I wouldn't expect him to say that explicitly. It would be awkward for a politician to speak in that manner. For me the indication is that he has made these issues prominent in this campaign.

5) "What we need is for the NDP to do more than wave [our plan] around, saying 'cap and trade is better'"

I disagree.

Jack Layton promoted our climate change plan actively and I feel he communicated its details as thoroughly as any normal member of the public would ever understand.

Opinion research shows the public is willing to bear the cost of addressing climate change.

What is needed to put our plan into action is (a) enough votes to pass it and (b) a government to implement it.

The NDP is the only party that can form a government to willing implement our climate chane plan.

Short of that, the best we can do is try to force the government's hand. That won't happen with a majority Conservative government. In the last parliament we had the votes to do so and the Layton team tried (within the limitations of a private member's bill) to get it done. It failed because Harper used the Senate to kill the bill, but we got the votes of the Bloc and the Liberals.

We do not need a greater mandate. If we form government, our climate change bill will almost certainly have the support of four out of five parties.

Gaian

Having been threatened with ex-communication by the powers of babble - and what an interesting experience it is to stand before the crowd while being dressed down - may I, without fear or favour, enter one more piece of observation from Eric Reguly, G & M columnist. That's someone who not only isn't afraid to read the business pages, but who helps write them.

"Giving Keystone XL the go-ahead would be a huge blow to Canada's diversification strategy, such as it is (and this reader can find none), and the efforts to create value-added businesses and high-paying skilled jobs."

Canada has the money to install processors for such commodities, says Reguly in this month's Business Report. "Canada's large pension funds are among the most powerful investors onthe planet, but they's rather pump money into European infrastructure than Canadian refineries...Withe the Canadian dollar falling again, oil prices stubbornly high in spite of looming recessions, and technology that is improving, the risks of building upgraders and refineries are declining...Expanding the oil sands should be contditional on upgrading the output somewhere in Canada - Alberta or the refinery complexes in Montreal and Sarnia, Ontario, which rely on imported oil."

Eric REguly doesn't know, apparently, that a part of the pipeline running across the Ontario countryside is being readied to carry Alberta crud south by a smaller version of the XL.

And there won't be a mass of people offering themselves up for arrest on Parliament Hill, because that isn't the Canadian way.

The Canadian way is to talk it all out, endlessly, in concerned venues such as this - threatening to silence those who dare to bring real-world events to bear on debate that's gone peurile with unfair charges - until the moment for action has safely passed and the moral authorities can pride themselves in having put down any social democratic spark of relevancy.

AnonymousMouse

KenS wrote:

I dont need to be sold that the oil sands effect on the Canadian dollar causes bleeding in manufacturing sector- and even in the export of raw materials with little or no value added processing that could be called 'manufacturing'.

The question is whether talking about this counts as policy or any kind of political 'instrument' that has to do with dealing with the hollowing out of [largely eastern] manufacturing jobs.

Mulcair talking about it and the EDF writing articles does not give the link political traction. We dont like the oil sands anyway, so we are hardly critical judges of how much linkage there really is. There is some linkage is good enough for us. Not so for the people whose jobs are on the line.

You keep referring to Mulcair "talking about" things in a dismissive way. This politics. Until you actually get some done, all anyone can do is talk about what they want to do. Please be more specific.

There is a clear proposal on the table. If implemented, it would have a clear and significant impact both the environment and the manufacturing sector.

Now you have introduced the entirely separate question of whether it can be used as a "political instrument" and whether the potential impact--"link"--on the manufacturing sector will gain "political traction".

My answer to that would both "yes" and "it doesn't matter".

Yes, this policy will gain political traction because regardless of whether people grasp the full complexities of the economics, the basic concept that Harper's runaway pro-oil policies are hurting the manufacturing sector and that this is the #1 reason for lost manufacturing jobs are easy enough concepts to grasp and people are predisposed to believe them (given the regions involved and Harper's background).

I would also say it doesn't matter whether the link to manufacturing gains political traction or not.

First, good policy is a value in and of itself.

Second, the NDP will have to gain credibility on economic issues through a varietyof mechanisms. One such mechanisms will be gaining favourale and credible reviews from thirs party validators. This policy will do that. More importantly, we need to LOOK credible on economic matters. The way Thomas Mulcair talks about this issue, it doesn't matter whether people understand what he's saying, he looks more credible than any other voice on the economy we have. If you can't see that from the debates and his television interviews (performance and substance combined), then I can't help ya.

AnonymousMouse

ottawaobserver wrote:

Comparing the remaining pur-et-dur of the Saskatchewan section of the party to the folks who've run the last 3 federal elections is a big stretch. One of the things that killed the Liberals is that they kept changing horses and teams, and never built up any organizational memory and proficiency as a team.

I don't think anyone is saying that the staff team for the federal party is not focused on winning. I--and I think others--are talking about party members who feel more comfortable with a leader who speaks more to the base than to the people we need to win over.

ottawaobserver wrote:

Keeping the team together is a sine qua non for me now, along with someone who has more arrows in their strategic quiver than just attack, attack, attack.

The Team has changed wildly over the last four elections and will likely change as much going forward under any leader (except perhaps Brian Topp).

As for the idea that any of the candidates have nothing "in their strategic quiver" except "attack, attack, attack", from watching this race I'd say the only place that is an issue is in the spin coming from certain campaigns. Watch the candidates. They've all demonstrated a great deal more skill than just "attack, attack, attack". (Again, except perhaps Brian Topp.)

ottawaobserver

AnonymousMouse wrote:

The Team has changed wildly over the last four elections and will likely change as much going forward under any leader (except perhaps Brian Topp). As for the idea that any of the candidates have nothing "in their strategic quiver" except "attack, attack, attack", from watching this race I'd say the only place that is an issue is in the spin coming from certain campaigns. Watch the candidates. They've all demonstrated a great deal more skill than just "attack, attack, attack". (Again, except perhaps Brian Topp.)

The key people have not changed wildly over the last four elections, and to read or hear any account of how the party did what it did over this period of time, the very first thing anyone says is how the continuity was essential to it all. That you don't (a) know this, or (b) seem to think it matters, makes me worry.

As to the second comment, everyone who spins in favour of Mr. Mulcair argues that we need someone strong who can attack Harper. If you'll pardon my borrowing the line from two campaigns ago, I think we need a new kind of strong; not that kind, so I will be looking for other approaches from him and the other candidates, personally.

AnonymousMouse

KenS wrote:

And since Mulcair has explictly and repeatedly linked carbon pricing and the tar sands to help for eatern manufacturing jobs, take a guess where we can count on the dots being very effectively connected if Mulcair becomes leader.

 

NDP plans on economic cooling of its job killing carbon tax to drive down the Canadian dollar.

Fewer jobs in the West so there can be more jobs for Quebec.

 

Attack ads dont even have to have more than a shred of selective truth to them to be effective.

But we would be walking right into this one.

It is not very credible in the first place to argue that serious carbon pricing and the ending of subsidies for the tar sands is not going to cause net job losses in the west. But the coup de grace to that hope of credibility is holding out  as a benefit the decrease in the Candian dollar.

And there are plenty of textual references about the benefits to eastern manufacturing jobs.

 

Thats what you get when economics gets abstracted from the dymanic nature of politics and its messaging.

Now Mulcair's proposal has gone from non-existent to a quote-unquote "gift" to Stephen Harper?

For heavens sake...

Stephen Harper is giving billions in handouts to big oil and gas companies at the expense of destroying our environment, gutting Southern Ontario's manufacturing base and costing Canadians hundreds of thousands of high paying jobs.

That's a fight I want to have.

This isn't about the West. It's about Stephen Harper's friends in the oil patch.

No one is proposing a carbon tax except Stephane Dion. That's an obvious, outright lie. Stephen Harper's getting desparate.

That's a fight I want to have.

Quebec, Quebec, Quebec?

And giving Mulcair--a guy who fought two refrendums while Stephen Harper was writing letters about building a firewall around Alberta and who helped decimate the Bloc Quebecois--a chance to wrap himself in the Canadian flag?

That's a fight I definitely want to have.

ottawaobserver

Meanwhile, fine me for raising that stupid poll again, but I just noticed something else about it.

We should not be inferring about who is whose second choice from looking at where their votes go when they drop off, I just realized. If you look at what happens now that the Ashton campaign freeped their candidate ahead of Dewar, the number of Dewar supporters having no second choice was reduced by quite a bit. Then when Ashton drops off, obviously a lot of her votes that go to Peggy, probably came from Dewar people.

So, I infer that there must have been people who had Dewar as their second choice, but who had no third choice remaining on the ballot. And also that there were lots of people who ranked Dewar ahead of Ashton, who once he dropped off got their votes counted for Niki, and then for Peggy.

By implication, then, when Dewar had been ahead of Ashton a few days ago, and then dropped off on the second last ballot, the people who wouldn't go to Mulcair or Nash must have been those who had had Ashton as a next choice, but couldn't have that vote count because she had already been dropped from the ballot under the earlier scenario.

So, the votes that get distributed after each candidate drops off should be considered a reflection of the accumulated next choices of the voters having had the dropped-off candidate as the higher choice.

Make sense?

Malcolm Malcolm's picture

Generally, except there's been no organized freeping of the poll from our end.  (Not to imply there may not have been disorganized freeping, but I've seen nothing encouraging our people to go there and vote.)

Of course, it had always struck me that the initial wins for first Cullen and then Dewar reflected a bit of freeping, organized or not.

Winston

ottawaobserver wrote:

So, the votes that get distributed after each candidate drops off should be considered a reflection of the accumulated next choices of the voters having had the dropped-off candidate as the higher choice.

Make sense?

Nope.

The only way for 40% of Dewar's (or anyone else's) supporters to "drop off" rather than go to Peggy or Tom, would be for those individuals not to have selected either Peggy or Tom as one of their choices at all.  If all 8 candidates (or even 7 of them) had been ranked, thes votes would have been transferred to one of the remaining 2.  In other words, the ballots would had to have been "plumped" in some way. 

AnonymousMouse

ottawaobserver wrote:

AnonymousMouse wrote:

The Team has changed wildly over the last four elections and will likely change as much going forward under any leader (except perhaps Brian Topp). As for the idea that any of the candidates have nothing "in their strategic quiver" except "attack, attack, attack", from watching this race I'd say the only place that is an issue is in the spin coming from certain campaigns. Watch the candidates. They've all demonstrated a great deal more skill than just "attack, attack, attack". (Again, except perhaps Brian Topp.)

The key people have not changed wildly over the last four elections, and to read or hear any account of how the party did what it did over this period of time, the very first thing anyone says is how the continuity was essential to it all. That you don't (a) know this, or (b) seem to think it matters, makes me worry.

Yes, the key people have changed--massively. There have been three different National Directors, three different National Campaign Directors, three different Quebec Campaign Directors and three Chiefs of Staff. There have been almost as many changes in other positions as well. There's been a form of continuity, but people have moved around, been promote, been fired and just moved on. That will likely continue in more or less the same fashion under any leader.

And I also disagree that it is "the key people" who matter. There are dozens of staffers in the party. I think it's folly to think the fate of the party is in two or three people's hands and who the hell knows what those people will do under different potential leaders (Except presumably Brian Topp)?

(Though, I don't know why you'd care what I know or think :).)

ottawaobserver wrote:

As to the second comment, everyone who spins in favour of Mr. Mulcair argues that we need someone strong who can attack Harper. If you'll pardon my borrowing the line from two campaigns ago, I think we need a new kind of strong; not that kind, so I will be looking for other approaches from him and the other candidates, personally.

What are you talking about when you say "everyone who spins in favour of Mr. Mulcair"? Who are these people you're talking about? What I hear over and over again from Mulcair supporters is that we need to DEFEAT Stephen Harper.

I can only recall a few times when someone has used the word "attack" on these boards and in at least two (if not three) cases you immediately jumped on that word advancing the spin that has been put forward by the Topp campaign that Mulcair is some one note attack dog (Note: I'm saying that's what Topp's campaign has been spinning, not that you're spinning).

But why speculate? Mulcair is running a campaign right now. He's run three for the NDP before. He's done copious amounts of media in between. And he's never been a one note attack dog. Jack Layton went on the "attack" plenty in the Houser of Comons. I see absolutely no evidence that Mulcair would be any more on the attack than Layton was.

Idealistic Prag... Idealistic Pragmatist's picture

Local Edmonton party activist Joel French has written out a long, thoughtful, and detailed evaluation of the candidates (with his current ranking) in his blog. I find some of his thoughts (though not necessarily his rankings) to be reflective of other Edmonton party members I've talked to about the race.

KenS

AnonymousMouse wrote:

OK, now we're getting somewhere. I feel this is an opportunity to take the discussion in a more productive direction.

Its not a discussion when you make literally dozens of assertions, with hundreds and hudreds of words, declaring that you have proven/demonstrated things when all you have done is make assertions riddled with factual errors and interpretive leaps of faith.

But since we have been over and over most of your extremely long excursis, I will just leave that be.

But in the latter one-fifth or so of all of those text blocks, there are quite a few more assertions that are at least somewhat new, and more central to the politics of giving policy legs:

AnonymousMouse wrote:

Jack Layton promoted our climate change plan actively and I feel he communicated its details as thoroughly as any normal member of the public would ever understand.

Thats interesting. Since you, let alone the public dont know some of the major pillars of the plan.

AnonymousMouse wrote:

Opinion research shows the public is willing to bear the cost of addressing climate change.

All the little bit of opinion research has established is some predicatble answers to questions that are abstractions to people, not posed in the context of how 'ballot questions' would appear in a real rough and tumble debate.

More relevant would be polls that asked people during the election what they thought of the Dion Liberal climate change plan, which would not be pretty.

That is what has to be withstood, and we have not been tested on it. When we are, it is going to be AT LEAST as challenging as Topp's tax plan. It rasies a lot more revenue, and DIRECTLY impacts and puts at risk a lot more jobs.

I think we can do it.

But asserting that we have already cleared public opinion and have a mandate is foolish and dangerous.

ETA on related post #115 and the gift Mulcair has given to the Conservatives if he becomes Leader: you don't understand attack ads. You do not debate their elements. There will be some that you cannot avoid unless you want to hide all the time, those you disarm [and first of all through anticipation and counterpreparation]. But the first rule is that you do not heedlessly hand out opprtunities for attack ads.

 

KenS

AnonymousMouse wrote:

Now Mulcair's [linking of making the oil sands pay their real costs to relief on the hollowing out of manufacturing jobs] has gone from non-existent to a quote-unquote "gift" to Stephen Harper?

I never said it was non-existant. I said that it has only been put out in a form that will impress the choir. So people are giving credit to Mulcair for something that he has not yet presented in a form that can have political traction. [A policy announcement or equivalent.]

It does indeed sount contradictory to suggest that Mulcair's statements he has made so far are not developed enough to have political traction, yet they can be fodder for attack ads.

But it happens all the time. I present you the Liberal carbon tax plan of 2007 and 2008. I was blogging here against the chorus of voices saying how the NDP was betraying environmentalists and so forth. The counter argument being that the NDP plan was better, and what is relavent to us now: "you watch, the Liberal carbon tax plan is going to drag them down because of the way it is constructed."

That prediction was made before Dion had shown how poor he is at communicating in any language. But the Liberal plan itself was a guaranteed sinker.

The problem was that the benefit side of the plan to people was very complex and mediated. [It also was not going to work well- but it was dead before it got full scrutiny.] So benefits are complex and mediated, but the costs, drawbacks, and risks are simple and obvious.

Bingo.

Attack ad recipe. And you dont fix that with refuation and 'real facts'.

KenS

AnonymousMouse wrote:
I can only recall a few times when someone has used the word "attack" on these boards and in at least two (if not three) cases you immediately jumped on that word advancing the spin that has been put forward by the Topp campaign that Mulcair is some one note attack dog (Note: I'm saying that's what Topp's campaign has been spinning, not that you're spinning). But why speculate? Mulcair is running a campaign right now. He's run three for the NDP before. He's done copious amounts of media in between. And he's never been a one note attack dog. Jack Layton went on the "attack" plenty in the Houser of Comons. I see absolutely no evidence that Mulcair would be any more on the attack than Layton was.

That is ostensibly a nanswer to Ottawa Obsever. But its a display of how you are obtuse [so what if they did not exactly use the precise word attack?], and misrepresent what people say.

Unfortunately you snow that under hundreds and hundreds of words bult on top of what had been a simple concept... which makes replying to you not feasible.

I am wordy and guilty of this sort of thing in my own right. But even when I keep comments brief and focused, a blizzard follows from you. One cannot discuss a blizzard.

In this case, there is a simple reply to your bit of substance in all those words and misrepresentation:

Of course Mulcair is mister nice guy during the race- a lot of us said at the outset that he would be.

At the same time, the narrative was established by his campaign, and reinforced repeatedly by his supporters, that Mulcair's pointiness is one of the things the NDP needs for 'dealing with Harper'. You have here [again] trivialized the legimate and considered questioning of that into "Mulcair is nothing but an attack dog."

nicky

Two responses to Ottawa Observer:

1. It is simplistic to say that Tom has only one gear -attack. His campaign so far has avoided unnecessary attacks on other candidates and has been relentlessly positive. It is true that he is capable of impressive attacks on the government in the House of Commons and likely has a greater facility for effective attack than almost any other MP. But he is not a one trick pony by any means as you suggest, and not for the first time. He can be impressively persuasive, compelling, charming.

He has run a smart and versatile campaign for the leadership. By most accounts he has made the most progress of any candidate so far. What makes you think that he will not show these same smarts and versatility as the Leader of the Opposition?

I also think you unduly equate "attack" with defend. It is easy to anticipate the Conservative attack adds: Nash : "union goon". Topp : "backroom boy"; Dewar: "not up to the job" (a la Harris attack adds against McGuinty). What concerns me about each of them is their ability to rebut these attacks which we know will come. 

Tom has the presence and verbal skills to prevail over these attacks. He is the only one who has, to use perhaps an overused word, gravitas. I just don't see that the others do. That is another element of his versatility.

2. You have alluded several times to the need for continuity in the NDP leaders staff. The necessary corollary of this assertion is the assumption that Mulcair will purge that staff and the party will lose the benefit of their experience.

I think either you should back this up or stop saying it. Where is the evidence that heads would roll if Mulcair became leader? Any new leader would result in some changes. Has Mulcair ever said he would fire everyone?

I have no doubt that a whisper campaign was initiated in August to wrong-foot Tom. It was childish and dispicable. From my contacts with the Mulcair camp I have only heard one name mentioned who  is connected with theses slurs and who might be said to be connected to the "staff". I have never heard any suggestion of retaliation even against this one person let alone against the staff in general.

The only other thing I have heard is that here is a suggestion that the staff is not sufficiently bilingual. I don't think this even comes from Tom. Even if the staff is to be supplemented with more bilingual people I don't see how you can surmise there will be a purge of the existing staff.

Tom is too smart a politiican to amputate people who have been of great value to the party. Nothing in his campaign suggests he will do so. 

 

 

MegB

Closing for length.

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