Simon Enoch

The Saskatchewan government's recent legislative efforts to define what is -- and what is not -- "privatization," has left us all floundering in a game of useless semantics.

Given Premier Brad Wall's hands-off approach to the economy and the private sector, it surprised many when the government announced a $3-million subsidy to the food delivery service Skip the Dishes.

Saskatchewan's summer has been a snapshot of our climate future, with massive wildfires forcing the evacuation of over 13,000 people. Which federal party has the leadership for a green energy future?

None of the major accounting firms can currently claim to have the requisite distance from the P3 industry to make the independent and impartial assessment that the citizen need on this issue.

Perhaps the most ubiquitous justification for the P3 model is the notion of "risk transfer." The City of Regina's argument for the P3 wastewater treatment plant borrows heavily on this argument.

Yesterday marked the National Day of Action for Victoria Ordu and Ihuoma Amadi, the two University of Regina students that have spent the past 14 months in sanctuary to avoid deportation.

In the continuing cavalcade of P3 proponents adorning the Leader-Post's opinion page, today's edition comes to us from the champion privatizers at the Fraser Institute.

Perhaps you have noticed a rather curious change in nomenclature in the days immediately after city council approved the referendum for the wastewater treatment plant.

On July 19, Regina city clerk Joni Swidnicki announced that the Regina Water Watch petition to force a referendum on the City's plan to for a new wastewater treatment had been deemed invalid.

This isn't the modernization of labour relations -- it's a return to the past when workers enjoyed less protections, less rights, and less power in the workplace.