In August of 1991, on the eve of the strikes, Tony Clarke, Chairperson of the Action Canada Network — a coalition of major Canadian labour and social organizations — called a meeting of representatives of groups representing seniors,students, people with disabilities, unemployed workers, farmers and anti-povertyactivists to discuss ways CUPW and these civil organizations mightsupport one another. These groups and the union agreed to sign a series of“solidarity pacts.”
The first groups to sign such a document with us were the National Anti-Poverty Organization, Disabled People for Employment Equity, and the Canadian Council of Retirees (Ontario Sector). It outlined CUPW’scommitment to “develop a contingency plan to sort and deliver socialassistance cheques in the event of strike action.” The three groups expressedtheir appreciation for this commitment and pledged to informtheir members of CUPW’s “extraordinary initiative.”
The second solidarity pact with CUPW was signed by the Canadian Federation of Students and the Ontario Coalition Against Poverty. Itdenounced the use of scab labour and supported our position calling forthe creation of decent full-time jobs. The two groups agreed to communicatewith their members, urging them not to accept work as scabs duringany postal strike.
A third pact was signed by Rural Dignity of Canada, the National Farmers’ Union, and the union. It expressed our mutual commitment to fighting closures of rural post offices and for the expansion of rural services.Finally, the Action Canada Network endorsed all three pacts, andTony Clarke concluded: “Our member groups are concerned with protecting those Canadians who are the most vulnerable during a labour-management dispute like this one. And they are concerned about decent jobs, at decent wages, for all Canadians. That’s what the solidarity pacts are about.”
All these signings took place at a press conference well attended by themedia, but I have never seen one media report about it or about thesolidarity pacts. Perhaps it was because this was just two days before webegan our rotating strikes and these immediately became “the news.” Butsurely these agreements should have merited at least some coverage byunbiased media sources. It certainly didn’t take business and right-wingmedia sources long to condemn our rotating strikes and point out howmuch they were “hurting the public.” Well, the solidarity pacts showedthat, without doubt, large sections of the public understood and supportedour position. But, I guess the media didn’t feel this qualified as “news.”
As follow-up to the first of the solidarity pacts we had signed, onAugust 22, CUPW made an offer to the President of Canada Post, DonaldLander, to set up a contingency plan to deliver government cheques in theevent of a strike. But we received no response from Mr. Lander and, on thefollowing day, Canada Post announced it would deliver the mail during thestrike using its own contingency plan. A Canadian Press story reportedthat the Supply and Services Department, which issues such cheques, hadsaid that the August cheques were already in the mail stream.
We began our rotating strikes the following day, and Canada Postwithheld cheques from the mail system, and even from the bags of lettercarriers about to leave to deliver mail. On August 27, a Canada Postspokesperson announced that, despite the rotating strikes, people wouldget their cheques. We again contacted Don Lander, warning him thatCanada Post’s contingency plan for delivering the cheques would lead todisaster and urging him to allow letter carriers to deliver them.
On August 28, Canada Post placed ads in newspapers across thecountry advertising locations of distribution centres where people couldpick up their government cheques. The next day, thousands of seniorcitizens and others due to receive government cheques lined up for hoursin the summer heat. A large number of them went home without receivingtheir cheques.
Across the country, postal workers went to these lines to provide thosewaiting with assistance, offering them water, chairs, donuts and coffee.We told them not to be surprised if they didn’t get their cheques, explainingthat it was one of Canada Post’s strategies to make them suffer so thatpostal workers would take the blame.
Mr. Dunstan’s error
With our members helping out people at these waiting lines all across thecountry and reporters beginning to ask the right sort of questions, thepublic mood was clearly turning against Canada Post and the government.On August 30, Harold Dunstan, Chief Negotiator for Canada Post, tried adevious ploy to gain public sympathy.
He arrived at a scheduled negotiating meeting in Ottawa accompaniedby a lot of media. He appeared to be very angry, and he shouted at me thathe was not going to meet with us that morning because our members inToronto were holding back trucks containing cheques for needy citizens.He made a long speech denouncing the union’s lack of civic responsibilitytoward seniors and others dependent on government assistance.
When he finished his speech, Mr. Dunstan walked out of the room,saying that he wouldn’t be back as long as we continued to deprive thesecitizens of their cheques. Once he was gone, reporters turned to me for myreaction.
At that moment, an idea struck me: I knew Andre Kolompar, thepresident of the Toronto local, and I knew the character of CUPW members. I felt there was something fishy about Mr. Dunstan’s theatrics.“Wait,” I told the reporters. “Let’s check out Mr. Dunstan’s story rightnow.” I took the phone and dialed Andre’s cellular number. I expected I’dreach him on the picket line. I did, and without giving him any explanationof what had just taken place at the Ottawa meeting, I asked him if it wastrue that his members were stopping government cheques from gettinginto the post office.
“Jean-Claude,” he said, “all we’ve done is to ask that they open thedoors of the trucks so we can see if there are scabs inside. If there aren’t,we’ll let the trucks go in, but they refuse to open the truck doors. We’vetold the police and the reporters here now that we only want to see if thesetrucks are being used to get scabs into the plant.” I asked him to repeatwhat he had just told me, and I held the phone out so the Ottawa reporterscould hear his explanation.
When they had listened to Andre’s account, I told them to immediatelyget in touch with their media counterparts in Toronto, who wereprobably at that picket line, and ask them to determine what was insidethe trucks. The Toronto reporters then asked management to let them seewhat was in the trucks. Backed into a corner, management had little choicebut to grant their request.
When the truck doors slid open, the reporters saw they were full ofstrikebreakers and that there was almost no mail on the trucks. It turnedout that my hunch that Mr. Dunstan’s antics amounted to a media stuntwas correct.
The issue of the delivery of government cheques to the needy had sofar been a big part of media coverage of our rotating strikes. Reports thenext day about what happened at the Ottawa meeting and on the Torontopicket line now made Canada Post’s earlier position seem weak, if notdownright deceptive. I spoke to Canada Post President Don Lander thatday, and he agreed that letter carriers could deliver the cheques on theirown volunteered time during the Labour Day weekend.
The letter carriers were well received as they made their weekendrounds delivering cheques, and people thanked them for their kindness ontheir days off. Seeing the public relations disaster they had created, CanadaPost now insisted on giving each of the volunteer letter carriers a $100cheque. All across the country, letter carriers gave their honoraria toseniors’ organizations and to other groups helping people in need. I wasreally proud of them and of other CUPW members who had helped them inmaking their rounds.
I never again saw Mr. Dunstan at the bargaining table, and he waseventually transferred to another position in the Atlantic region. I stillwonder what might have happened had I not been able to immediatelyreach someone on the Toronto picket line and the media had taken Mr.Dunstan’s act at face value.